Jump to content

Far-right politics

Page semi-protected
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Right-wing extremism)

Prominent far-rightists during the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia. Pictured are rally participants carrying Confederate battle flags, Gadsden flags, and a Nazi flag.

Far-right politics, often termed right-wing extremism, encompasses a range of ideologies that are typically marked by radical conservatism, authoritarianism, ultra-nationalism, and nativism.[1] This political spectrum situates itself on the far end of the right, distinguished from more mainstream right-wing ideologies by its opposition to liberal democratic norms and emphasis on exclusivist views. Far-right ideologies have historically included fascism, Nazism, and Falangism, while contemporary manifestations also incorporate neo-fascism, neo-Nazism, white supremacism, and various other movements characterized by chauvinism, xenophobia, and theocratic or reactionary beliefs.

Key to the far-right worldview is the notion of societal purity, often invoking ideas of a homogeneous "national" or "ethnic" community. This view generally promotes organicism, which perceives society as a unified, natural entity under threat from diversity or modern pluralism. Far-right movements frequently target perceived threats to their idealized community, whether ethnic, religious, or cultural, leading to anti-immigrant sentiments, welfare chauvinism, and, in extreme cases, political violence or oppression.[2] According to political theorists, the far-right appeals to those who believe in maintaining strict cultural and ethnic divisions and a return to traditional social hierarchies and values.[3]

In practice, far-right movements differ widely by region and historical context. In Western Europe, they have often focused on anti-immigration and anti-globalism, while in Eastern Europe, strong anti-communist rhetoric is more common. The United States has seen a unique evolution of far-right movements that emphasize nativism and radical opposition to central government.

Far-right politics have led to oppression, political violence, forced assimilation, ethnic cleansing, and genocide against groups of people based on their supposed inferiority or their perceived threat to the native ethnic group, nation, state, national religion, dominant culture, or conservative social institutions.[4] Across these contexts, far-right politics has continued to influence discourse, occasionally achieving electoral success and prompting significant debate over its place in democratic societies.

Overview

Concept and worldview

Benito Mussolini, dictator and founder of Italian Fascism, a far-right ideology

According to scholars Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, the core of the far right's worldview is organicism, the idea that society functions as a complete, organized and homogeneous living being. Adapted to the community they wish to constitute or reconstitute (whether based on ethnicity, nationality, religion or race), the concept leads them to reject every form of universalism in favor of autophilia and alterophobia, or in other words the idealization of a "we" excluding a "they".[5] The far right tends to absolutize differences between nations, races, individuals or cultures since they disrupt their efforts towards the utopian dream of the "closed" and naturally organized society, perceived as the condition to ensure the rebirth of a community finally reconnected to its quasi-eternal nature and re-established on firm metaphysical foundations.[6][7]

As they view their community in a state of decay facilitated by the ruling elites, far-right members portray themselves as a natural, sane and alternative elite, with the redemptive mission of saving society from its promised doom. They reject both their national political system and the global geopolitical order (including their institutions and values, e.g. political liberalism and egalitarian humanism) which are presented as needing to be abandoned or purged of their impurities, so that the "redemptive community" can eventually leave the current phase of liminal crisis to usher in the new era.[5][7] The community itself is idealized through great archetypal figures (the Golden Age, the savior, decadence and global conspiracy theories) as they glorify non-rationalistic and non-materialistic values such as the youth or the cult of the dead.[5]

Political scientist Cas Mudde argues that the far right can be viewed as a combination of four broadly defined concepts, namely exclusivism (e.g. racism, xenophobia, ethnocentrism, ethnopluralism, chauvinism, including welfare chauvinism), anti-democratic and non-individualist traits (e.g. cult of personality, hierarchism, monism, populism, anti-particracy, an organicist view of the state), a traditionalist value system lamenting the disappearance of historic frames of reference (e.g. law and order, the family, the ethnic, linguistic and religious community and nation as well as the natural environment[8]) and a socioeconomic program associating corporatism, state control of certain sectors, agrarianism, and a varying degree of belief in the free play of socially Darwinistic market forces. Mudde then proposes a subdivision of the far-right nebula into moderate and radical leanings, according to their degree of exclusionism and essentialism.[9][10]

Definition and comparative analysis

The Encyclopedia of Politics: The Left and the Right states that far-right politics include "persons or groups who hold extreme nationalist, xenophobic, homophobic, racist, religious fundamentalist, or other reactionary views." While the term far right is typically applied to fascists and neo-Nazis, it has also been used to refer to those to the right of mainstream right-wing politics.[11]

According to political scientist Lubomír Kopeček, "[t]he best working definition of the contemporary far right may be the four-element combination of nationalism, xenophobia, law and order, and welfare chauvinism proposed for the Western European environment by Cas Mudde."[12] Relying on those concepts, far-right politics includes yet is not limited to aspects of authoritarianism, anti-communism[12] and nativism.[13] Claims that superior people should have greater rights than inferior people are often associated with the far right, as they have historically favored a social Darwinistic or elitist hierarchy based on the belief in the legitimacy of the rule of a supposed superior minority over the inferior masses.[14] Regarding the socio-cultural dimension of nationality, culture and migration, one far-right position is the view that certain ethnic, racial or religious groups should stay separate, based on the belief that the interests of one's own group should be prioritized.[15]

In western Europe, far right parties have been associated with anti-immigrant policies, as well as opposition to globalism and European integration. They often make nationalist and xenophobic appeals which make allusions to ethnic nationalism rather than civic nationalism (or liberal nationalism). Some have at their core illiberal policies such as removing checks on executive authority, and protections for minorities from majority (multipluralism). In the 1990s, the "winning formula" was often to attract anti-immigrant blue collar workers and white collar workers who wanted less state intervention in the economy, but in the 2000s, this switched to welfare chauvinism.[16]

In comparing the Western European and post-Communist Central European far-right, Kopeček writes that "[t]he Central European far right was also typified by a strong anti-Communism, much more markedly than in Western Europe", allowing for "a basic ideological classification within a unified party family, despite the heterogeneity of the far right parties." Kopeček concludes that a comparison of Central European far-right parties with those of Western Europe shows that "these four elements are present in Central Europe as well, though in a somewhat modified form, despite differing political, economic, and social influences."[12] In the American and more general Anglo-Saxon environment, the most common term is "radical right", which has a broader meaning than the European radical right.[17][12] Mudde defines the American radical right as an "old school of nativism, populism, and hostility to central government [which] was said to have developed into the post-World War II combination of ultranationalism and anti-communism, Christian fundamentalism, militaristic orientation, and anti-alien sentiment."[17]

Jodi Dean argues that "the rise of far-right anti-communism in many parts of the world" should be interpreted "as a politics of fear, which utilizes the disaffection and anger generated by capitalism. [...] Partisans of far right-wing organizations, in turn, use anti-communism to challenge every political current which is not embedded in a clearly exposed nationalist and racist agenda. For them, both the USSR and the European Union, leftist liberals, ecologists, and supranational corporations – all of these may be called 'communist' for the sake of their expediency."[18]

In Hate in the Homeland: The New Global Far Right, Cynthia Miller-Idriss examines the far-right as a global movement and representing a cluster of overlapping "antidemocratic, antiegalitarian, white supremacist" beliefs that are "embedded in solutions like authoritarianism, ethnic cleansing or ethnic migration, and the establishment of separate ethno-states or enclaves along racial and ethnic lines".[19]

Modern debates

Terminology

According to Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, the modern ambiguities in the definition of far-right politics lie in the fact that the concept is generally used by political adversaries to "disqualify and stigmatize all forms of partisan nationalism by reducing them to the historical experiments of Italian Fascism [and] German National Socialism."[20] Mudde agrees and notes that "the term is not only used for scientific purposes but also for political purposes. Several authors define right-wing extremism as a sort of anti-thesis against their own beliefs."[21] While the existence of such a political position is widely accepted among scholars, figures associated with the far-right rarely accept this denomination, preferring terms like "national movement" or "national right".[20] There is also debate about how appropriate the labels neo-fascist or neo-Nazi are. In the words of Mudde, "the labels Neo-Nazi and to a lesser extent neo-Fascism are now used exclusively for parties and groups that explicitly state a desire to restore the Third Reich or quote historical National Socialism as their ideological influence."[22]

One issue is whether parties should be labelled radical or extreme, a distinction that is made by the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany when determining whether or not a party should be banned.[nb 1] Within the broader family of the far right, the extreme right is revolutionary, opposing popular sovereignty and majority rule, and sometimes supporting violence, whereas the radical right is reformist, accepting free elections, but opposing fundamental elements of liberal democracy such as minority rights, rule of law, or separation of powers.[23]

After a survey of the academic literature, Mudde concluded in 2002 that the terms "right-wing extremism", "right-wing populism", "national populism", or "neo-populism" were often used as synonyms by scholars (or, nonetheless, terms with "striking similarities"), except notably among a few authors studying the extremist-theoretical tradition.[nb 2]

Relation to right-wing politics

Italian philosopher and political scientist Norberto Bobbio argues that attitudes towards equality are primarily what distinguish left-wing politics from right-wing politics on the political spectrum:[24] "the left considers the key inequalities between people to be artificial and negative, which should be overcome by an active state, whereas the right believes that inequalities between people are natural and positive, and should be either defended or left alone by the state."[25]

Aspects of far-right ideology can be identified in the agenda of some contemporary right-wing parties: in particular, the idea that superior persons should dominate society while undesirable elements should be purged, which in extreme cases has resulted in genocides.[26] Charles Grant, director of the Centre for European Reform in London, distinguishes between fascism and right-wing nationalist parties which are often described as far right such as the National Front in France.[27] Mudde notes that the most successful European far-right parties in 2019 were "former mainstream right-wing parties that have turned into populist radical right ones."[28] According to historian Mark Sedgwick, "[t]here is no general agreement as to where the mainstream ends and the extreme starts, and if there ever had been agreement on this, the recent shift in the mainstream would challenge it."[29]

Proponents of the horseshoe theory interpretation of the left–right political spectrum identify the far left and the far right as having more in common with each other as extremists than each of them has with centrists or moderates.[30] This theory has received criticism,[31][32][33] including the argument that it has been centrists who have supported far-right and fascist regimes over socialist ones.[34]

Nature of support

Jens Rydgren describes a number of theories as to why individuals support far-right political parties and the academic literature on this topic distinguishes between demand-side theories that have changed the "interests, emotions, attitudes and preferences of voters" and supply-side theories which focus on the programmes of parties, their organization and the opportunity structures within individual political systems.[35] The most common demand-side theories are the social breakdown thesis, the relative deprivation thesis, the modernization losers thesis and the ethnic competition thesis.[36]

The rise of far-right parties has also been viewed as a rejection of post-materialist values on the part of some voters. This theory which is known as the reverse post-material thesis blames both left-wing and progressive parties for embracing a post-material agenda (including feminism and environmentalism) that alienates traditional working class voters.[37][38] Another study argues that individuals who join far-right parties determine whether those parties develop into major political players or whether they remain marginalized.[39]

Early academic studies adopted psychoanalytical explanations for the far right's support. The 1933 publication The Mass Psychology of Fascism by Wilhelm Reich argued the theory that fascists came to power in Germany as a result of sexual repression. For some far-right parties in Western Europe, the issue of immigration has become the dominant issue among them, so much so that some scholars refer to these parties as "anti-immigrant" parties.[40]

Intellectual history

Background

The French Revolution in 1789 created a major shift in political thought by challenging the established ideas supporting hierarchy with new ones about universal equality and freedom.[41] The modern left–right political spectrum also emerged during this period. Democrats and proponents of universal suffrage were located on the left side of the elected French Assembly, while monarchists seated farthest to the right.[20]

The strongest opponents of liberalism and democracy during the 19th century, such as Joseph de Maistre and Friedrich Nietzsche, were highly critical of the French Revolution.[42] Those who advocated a return to the absolute monarchy during the 19th century called themselves "ultra-monarchists" and embraced a "mystic" and "providentialist" vision of the world where royal dynasties were seen as the "repositories of divine will". The opposition to liberal modernity was based on the belief that hierarchy and rootedness are more important than equality and liberty, with the latter two being dehumanizing.[43]

Emergence

Leon Trotsky was an early observer on the rise of far-right phenomenon such as Nazi Germany during his final years in exile[44] and advocated for the tactic of a united front.[45]

In the French public debate following the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, far right was used to describe the strongest opponents of the far left, those who supported the events occurring in Russia.[6] A number of thinkers on the far right nonetheless claimed an influence from an anti-Marxist and anti-egalitarian interpretation of socialism, based on a military comradeship that rejected Marxist class analysis, or what Oswald Spengler had called a "socialism of the blood", which is sometimes described by scholars as a form of "socialist revisionism".[46] They included Charles Maurras, Benito Mussolini, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck and Ernst Niekisch.[47][48][49] Those thinkers eventually split along nationalist lines from the original communist movement, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels contradicting nationalist theories with the idea that "the working men [had] no country."[50] The main reason for that ideological confusion can be found in the consequences of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, which according to Swiss historian Philippe Burrin had completely redesigned the political landscape in Europe by diffusing the idea of an anti-individualistic concept of "national unity" rising above the right and left division.[49]

As the concept of "the masses" was introduced into the political debate through industrialization and the universal suffrage, a new right-wing founded on national and social ideas began to emerge, what Zeev Sternhell has called the "revolutionary right" and a foreshadowing of fascism. The rift between the left and nationalists was furthermore accentuated by the emergence of anti-militarist and anti-patriotic movements like anarchism or syndicalism, which shared even fewer similarities with the far right.[50] The latter began to develop a "nationalist mysticism" entirely different from that on the left, and antisemitism turned into a credo of the far right, marking a break from the traditional economic "anti-Judaism" defended by parts of the far left, in favour of a racial and pseudo-scientific notion of alterity. Various nationalist leagues began to form across Europe like the Pan-German League or the Ligue des Patriotes, with the common goal of a uniting the masses beyond social divisions.[51][52]

Völkisch and revolutionary right

Spanish Falangist volunteer forces of the Blue Division entrain at San Sebastián, 1942

The Völkisch movement emerged in the late 19th century, drawing inspiration from German Romanticism and its fascination for a medieval Reich supposedly organized into a harmonious hierarchical order. Erected on the idea of "blood and soil", it was a racialist, populist, agrarian, romantic nationalist and an antisemitic movement from the 1900s onward as a consequence of a growing exclusive and racial connotation.[53] They idealized the myth of an "original nation", that still could be found at their times in the rural regions of Germany, a form of "primitive democracy freely subjected to their natural elites."[48] Thinkers led by Arthur de Gobineau, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Alexis Carrel and Georges Vacher de Lapouge distorted Darwin's theory of evolution to advocate a "race struggle" and an hygienist vision of the world. The purity of the bio-mystical and primordial nation theorized by the Völkischen then began to be seen as corrupted by foreign elements, Jewish in particular.[53]

Translated in Maurice Barrès' concept of "the earth and the dead", these ideas influenced the pre-fascist "revolutionary right" across Europe. The latter had its origin in the fin de siècle intellectual crisis and it was, in the words of Fritz Stern, the deep "cultural despair" of thinkers feeling uprooted within the rationalism and scientism of the modern world.[54] It was characterized by a rejection of the established social order, with revolutionary tendencies and anti-capitalist stances, a populist and plebiscitary dimension, the advocacy of violence as a means of action and a call for individual and collective palingenesis ("regeneration, rebirth").[55]

Contemporary thought

The key thinkers of contemporary far-right politics are claimed by Mark Sedgwick to share four key elements, namely apocalyptism, fear of global elites, belief in Carl Schmitt's friend–enemy distinction and the idea of metapolitics.[56] The apocalyptic strain of thought begins in Oswald Spengler's The Decline of the West and is shared by Julius Evola and Alain de Benoist. It continues in The Death of the West by Pat Buchanan as well as in fears over Islamization of Europe.[56] Ernst Jünger was concerned about rootless cosmopolitan elites while de Benoist and Buchanan oppose the managerial state and Curtis Yarvin is against "the Cathedral".[56] Schmitt's friend–enemy distinction has inspired the French Nouvelle Droite idea of ethnopluralism.[56]

CasaPound rally in Naples

In a 1961 book deemed influential in the European far-right at large, French neo-fascist writer Maurice Bardèche introduced the idea that fascism could survive the 20th century under a new metapolitical guise adapted to the changes of the times. Rather than trying to revive doomed regimes with their single party, secret police or public display of Caesarism, Bardèche argued that its theorists should promote the core philosophical idea of fascism regardless of its framework,[7] i.e. the concept that only a minority, "the physically saner, the morally purer, the most conscious of national interest", can represent best the community and serve the less gifted in what Bardèche calls a new "feudal contract".[57]

Another influence on contemporary far-right thought has been the Traditionalist School, which included Julius Evola, and has influenced Steve Bannon and Aleksandr Dugin, advisors to Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin as well as the Jobbik party in Hungary.[58]

International organizations

National origins of Fascist International Congress participants in 1934

During the rise of Nazi Germany, far-right international organizations began to emerge in the 1930s with the International Conference of Fascist Parties in 1932 and the Fascist International Congress in 1934.[59] During the 1934 Fascist International Conference, the Comitati d'Azione per l'Universalità di Roma [it] (CAUR; English: Action Committees for the Universality of Rome), created by Benito Mussolini's Fascist Regime to create a network for a "Fascist International", representatives from far-right groups gathered in Montreux, Switzerland, including Romania's Iron Guard, Norway's Nasjonal Samling, the Greek National Socialist Party, Spain's Falange movement, Ireland's Blueshirts, France's Mouvement Franciste and Portugal's União Nacional, among others.[60][61] However, no international group was fully established before the outbreak of World War II.[59]

Following World War II, other far-right organizations attempted to establish themselves, such as the European organizations of Nouvel Ordre Européen, European Social Movement and Circulo Español de Amigos de Europa or the further-reaching World Union of National Socialists and the League for Pan-Nordic Friendship.[62] Beginning in the 1980s, far-right groups began to solidify themselves through official political avenues.[62]

With the founding of the European Union in 1993, far-right groups began to espouse Euroscepticism, nationalist and anti-migrant beliefs.[59] By 2010, the Eurosceptic group European Alliance for Freedom emerged and saw some prominence during the 2014 European Parliament election.[59][62] The majority of far-right groups in the 2010s began to establish international contacts with right-wing coalitions to develop a solidified platform.[59] In 2017, Steve Bannon would create The Movement, an organization to create an international far-right group based on Aleksandr Dugin's The Fourth Political Theory, for the 2019 European Parliament election.[63][64] The European Alliance for Freedom would also reorganize into Identity and Democracy for the 2019 European Parliament election.[62]

The far-right Spanish party Vox initially introduced the Madrid Charter project, a planned group to denounce left-wing groups in Ibero-America, to the government of United States president Donald Trump while visiting the United States in February 2019, with Santiago Abascal and Rafael Bardají using their good relations with the administration to build support within the Republican Party and establishing strong ties with American contacts.[64][65][66] In March 2019, Abascal tweeted an image of himself wearing a morion similar to a conquistador, with ABC writing in an article detailing the document that this event provided a narrative that "symbolizes in part the expansionist mood of Vox and its ideology far from Spain".[67] The charter subsequently grew to include signers that had little to no relation to Latin America and Spanish-speaking areas.[68] Vox has advised Javier Milei in Argentina, the Bolsonaro family in Brazil, José Antonio Kast in Chile and Keiko Fujimori in Peru.[69]

Nationalists from Europe and the United States met at a Holiday Inn in St. Petersburg on March 22, 2015, for first convention of the International Russian Conservative Forum organized by pro-Putin Rodina-party. The event was attended by fringe right-wing extremists like Nordic Resistance Movement from Scandinavia but also by more mainstream MEPs from Golden Dawn and National Democratic Party of Germany. In addition to Rodina, Russian neo-Nazis from Russian Imperial Movement and Rusich Group were also in attendance. The event was attended by several notable American white supremacists including Jared Taylor and Brandon Russell.[76]

History by country

Africa

Morocco

Morocco saw a spread of ultranationalism, antifeminism, and opposition to immigration themes in digital spaces.[77]

Rwanda

A number of far-right extremist and paramilitary groups carried out the Rwandan genocide under the racial supremacist ideology of Hutu Power, developed by journalist and Hutu supremacist Hassan Ngeze.[78] On 5 July 1975, exactly two years after the 1973 Rwandan coup d'état, the far right National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND) was founded under president Juvénal Habyarimana. Between 1975 and 1991, the MRND was the only legal political party in the country. It was dominated by Hutus, particularly from Habyarimana's home region of Northern Rwanda. An elite group of MRND party members who were known to have influence on the President and his wife Agathe Habyarimana are known as the akazu, an informal organization of Hutu extremists whose members planned and lead the 1994 Rwandan genocide.[79][80] Prominent Hutu businessman and member of the akazu, Félicien Kabuga was one of the genocides main financiers, providing thousands of machetes which were used to commit the genocide.[81] Kabuga also founded Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines, used to broadcast propaganda and direct the génocidaires. Kabuga was arrested in France on 16 May 2020, and charged with crimes against humanity.[82]

Interahamwe

The Interahamwe was formed around 1990 as the youth wing of the MRND and enjoyed the backing of the Hutu Power government. The Interahamwe were driven out of Rwanda after Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front victory in the Rwandan Civil War in July 1994 and are considered a terrorist organisation by many African and Western governments. The Interahamwe and splinter groups such as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda continue to wage an insurgency against Rwanda from neighboring countries, where they are also involved in local conflicts and terrorism. The Interahamwe were the main perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide, during which an estimated 500,000 to 1,000,000 Tutsi, Twa and moderate Hutus were killed from April to July 1994 and the term Interahamwe was widened to mean any civilian bands killing Tutsi.[83][84]

Coalition for the Defence of the Republic

Other far-right groups and paramilitaries involved included the anti-democratic segregationist Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR), which called for complete segregation of Hutus from Tutsis. The CDR had a paramilitary wing known as the Impuzamugambi. Together with the Interahamwe militia, the Impuzamugambi played a central role in the Rwandan genocide.[85][78]

South Africa

Herstigte Nasionale Party

The far right in South Africa emerged as the Herstigte Nasionale Party (HNP) in 1969, formed by Albert Hertzog as breakaway from the predominant right-wing South African National Party, an Afrikaner ethno-nationalist party that implemented the racist, segregationist program of apartheid, the legal system of political, economic and social separation of the races intended to maintain and extend political and economic control of South Africa by the White minority.[86][87][88] The HNP was formed after the South African National Party re-established diplomatic relations with Malawi and legislated to allow Māori players and spectators to enter the country during the 1970 New Zealand rugby union team tour in South Africa.[89] The HNP advocated for a Calvinist, racially segregated and Afrikaans-speaking nation.[90]

Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging

In 1973, Eugène Terre'Blanche, a former police officer founded the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (Afrikaner Resistance Movement), a South African neo-Nazi paramilitary organisation, often described as a white supremacist group.[91][92][93] Since its founding in 1973 by Eugène Terre'Blanche and six other far-right Afrikaners, it has been dedicated to secessionist Afrikaner nationalism and the creation of an independent Boer-Afrikaner republic in part of South Africa. During negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s, the organization terrorized and killed black South Africans.[94]

Togo

Togo has been ruled by members of the Gnassingbé family and the far-right military dictatorship formerly known as the Rally of the Togolese People since 1969. Despite the legalisation of political parties in 1991 and the ratification of a democratic constitution in 1992, the regime continues to be regarded as oppressive. In 1993, the European Union cut off aid in reaction to the regime's human-rights offenses. After's Eyadema's death in 2005, his son Faure Gnassingbe took over, then stood down and was re-elected in elections that were widely described as fraudulent and occasioned violence that resulted in as many as 600 deaths and the flight from Togo of 40,000 refugees.[95] In 2012, Faure Gnassingbe dissolved the RTP and created the Union for the Republic.[96][97][98]

Throughout the reign of the Gnassingbé family, Togo has been extremely oppressive. According to a United States Department of State report based on conditions in 2010, human rights abuses are common and include "security force use of excessive force, including torture, which resulted in deaths and injuries; official impunity; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrests and detention; lengthy pretrial detention; executive influence over the judiciary; infringement of citizens' privacy rights; restrictions on freedoms of press, assembly, and movement; official corruption; discrimination and violence against women; child abuse, including female genital mutilation (FGM), and sexual exploitation of children; regional and ethnic discrimination; trafficking in persons, especially women and children; societal discrimination against persons with disabilities; official and societal discrimination against homosexual persons; societal discrimination against persons with HIV; and forced labor, including by children."[99]

Americas

Brazil

Children make the Nazi salute in Presidente Bernardes, São Paulo, circa 1935.

During the 1920s and 1930s, a local brand of religious fascism appeared known as Brazilian Integralism, coalescing around the party known as Brazilian Integralist Action. It adopted many characteristics of European fascist movements, including a green-shirted paramilitary organization with uniformed ranks, highly regimented street demonstrations and rhetoric against Marxism and liberalism.[100]

Prior to World War II, the Nazi Party had been making and distributing propaganda among ethnic Germans in Brazil. The Nazi regime built close ties with Brazil through the estimated 100 thousand native Germans and 1 million German descendants living in Brazil at the time.[101] In 1928, the Brazilian section of the Nazi Party was founded in Timbó, Santa Catarina. This section reached 2,822 members and was the largest section of the Nazi Party outside Germany.[102][103] About 100 thousand born Germans and about one million descendants lived in Brazil at that time.[104]

After Germany's defeat in World War II, many Nazi war criminals fled to Brazil and hid among the German-Brazilian communities. The most notable example of this was Josef Mengele, a Nazi SS officer and physician known as the "Angel of Death" for his deadly experiments on prisoners at the Auschwitz II (Birkenau) concentration camp, who fled first to Argentina, then Paraguay, before finally settling in Brazil in 1960. Mengele eventually drowned in 1979 in Bertioga, on the coast of São Paulo state, without ever having been recognized in his 19 years in Brazil.[105]

The far right has continued to operate throughout Brazil[106] and a number of far-right parties existed in the modern era including Patriota, the Brazilian Labour Renewal Party, the Party of the Reconstruction of the National Order, the National Renewal Alliance and the Social Liberal Party as well as death squads such as the Command for Hunting Communists. Former President of Brazil Jair Bolsonaro was a member of the Alliance for Brazil, a far-right nationalist political group that aimed to become a political party, until 2022, when the party was disbanded. Since 2022, he is a member of the Liberal Party.[107][108][109] Bolsonaro has been widely described by numerous media organizations as far right.[110]

Guatemala

In Guatemala, the far-right[111][112] government of Carlos Castillo Armas utilized death squads after coming to power in the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état.[111][112] Along with other far-right extremists, Castillo Armas started the National Liberation Movement (Movimiento de Liberación Nacional, or MLN). The founders of the party described it as the "party of organized violence".[113] The new government promptly reversed the democratic reforms initiated during the Guatemalan Revolution and the agrarian reform program (Decree 900) that was the main project of president Jacobo Arbenz Guzman and which directly impacted the interests of both the United Fruit Company and the Guatemalan landowners.[114]

Mano Blanca, otherwise known as the Movement of Organized Nationalist Action, was set up in 1966 as a front for the MLN to carry out its more violent activities,[115][116] along with many other similar groups, including the New Anticommunist Organization and the Anticommunist Council of Guatemala.[113][117] Mano Blanca was active during the governments of colonel Carlos Arana Osorio and general Kjell Laugerud García and was dissolved by general Fernando Romeo Lucas Garcia in 1978.[118]

Armed with the support and coordination of the Guatemalan Armed Forces, Mano Blanca began a campaign described by the United States Department of State as one of "kidnappings, torture, and summary execution."[116] One of the main targets of Mano Blanca was the Revolutionary Party, an anti-communist group that was the only major reform oriented party allowed to operate under the military-dominated regime. Other targets included the banned leftist parties.[116] Human rights activist Blase Bonpane described the activities of Mano Blanca as being an integral part of the policy of the Guatemalan government and by extension the policy of the United States government and the Central Intelligence Agency.[114][119] Overall, Mano Blanca was responsible for thousands of murders and kidnappings, leading travel writer Paul Theroux to refer to them as "Guatemala's version of a volunteer Gestapo unit".[120]

Chile

Dictator of Chile Augusto Pinochet meeting with United States President George H. W. Bush in 1990

The National Socialist Movement of Chile (MNSCH) was created in the 1930s with the funding from the German population in Chile.[121] In 1938, the MNSCH was dissolved after it attempted a coup and recreated itself as the Popular Freedom Alliance party, later merging with the Agrarian Party to create the Agrarian Labor Party (PAL).[122] PAL would go through various mergers to become the Partido Nacional Popular (Chile) [es], then National Action and finally the National Party.

Following the fall of Nazi Germany, many Nazis fled to Chile.[123] The National Party supported the 1973 Chilean coup d'état that established the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet with many members assuming positions in Pinochet's government. Pinochet headed a far-right dictatorship in Chile from 1973 to 1990.[124][125] According to author Peter Levenda, Pinochet was "openly pro-Nazi" and used former Gestapo members to train his own Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional (DINA) personnel.[123] Pinochet's DINA sent political prisoners to the Chilean-German town of Colonia Dignidad, with the town's actions being defended by the Pinochet government.[123][126][127] The Central Intelligence Agency and Simon Wiesenthal also provided evidence of Josef Mengele – the infamous Nazi concentration camp doctor known as the "Angel of Death" for his lethal experiments on human subjects – being present in Colonia Dignidad.[123][127] Former DINA member Michael Townley also stated that biological warfare weapons experiments occurred at the colony.[128]

Following the end of Pinochet's government, the National Party would split to become the more centrist National Renewal (RN), while individuals who supported Pinochet organized Independent Democratic Union (UDI). UDI is a far-right political party that was formed by former Pinochet officials.[129][130][131][132] In 2019, the far-right Republican Party was founded by José Antonio Kast, a UDI politician who believed his former party criticized Pinochet too often.[133][134][135][136] According to Cox and Blanco, the Republican Party appeared in Chilean politics in a similar manner to Spain's Vox party, with both parties splitting off from an existing right wing party to collect disillusioned voters.[137]

El Salvador

A billboard serving as a reminder of one of many massacres in El Salvador that occurred during the civil war

During the Salvadoran Civil War, far-right death squads known in Spanish by the name of Escuadrón de la Muerte, literally "Squadron of Death, achieved notoriety when a sniper assassinated Archbishop Óscar Romero while he was saying mass in March 1980. In December 1980, three American nuns and a lay worker were gangraped and murdered by a military unit later found to have been acting on specific orders. Death squads were instrumental in killing thousands of peasants and activists. Funding for the squads came primarily from right-wing Salvadoran businessmen and landowners.[138]

El Salvadorian death squads indirectly received arms, funding, training and advice during the Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations.[139] Some death squads such as Sombra Negra are still operating in El Salvador.[140]

Honduras

Honduras also had far-right death squads active through the 1980s, the most notorious of which was Battalion 3–16. Hundreds of people, teachers, politicians and union bosses were assassinated by government-backed forces. Battalion 316 received substantial support and training from the United States through the Central Intelligence Agency.[141] At least nineteen members were School of the Americas graduates.[142][143] As of mid-2006, seven members, including Billy Joya, later played important roles in the administration of President Manuel Zelaya.[144]

Following the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, former Battalion 3–16 member Nelson Willy Mejía Mejía became Director-General of Immigration[145][146] and Billy Joya was de facto President Roberto Micheletti's security advisor.[147] Napoleón Nassar Herrera, another former Battalion 3–16 member,[144][148] was high Commissioner of Police for the north-west region under Zelaya and under Micheletti, even becoming a Secretary of Security spokesperson "for dialogue" under Micheletti.[149][150] Zelaya claimed that Joya had reactivated the death squad, with dozens of government opponents having been murdered since the ascent of the Michiletti and Lobo governments.[147]

Mexico

National Synarchist Union

The largest far-right party in Mexico is the National Synarchist Union. It was historically a movement of the Roman Catholic extreme right, in some ways akin to clerical fascism and Falangism, strongly opposed to the left-wing and secularist policies of the Institutional Revolutionary Party and its predecessors that governed Mexico from 1929 to 2000 and 2012 to 2018.[151][152]

Peru

Fujimorism
Alberto Fujimori, the creator of Fujimorism

During the internal conflict in Peru and a struggling presidency of Alan García, the Peruvian Armed Forces created Plan Verde, initially a coup plan that involved establishing a government that would carry out the genocide of impoverished and indigenous Peruvians, the control or censorship of media and the establishment of a neoliberal economy controlled by a military junta in Peru.[153][154][155] Military planners also decided against the coup as they expected Mario Vargas Llosa, a neoliberal candidate, to be elected in the 1990 Peruvian general election.[156][157] Vargas Llosa later reported that Anthony C. E. Quainton, the United States Ambassador to Peru, personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) purportedly being supportive of his opponent Alberto Fujimori were authentic, reportedly due to Fujimori's relationship with Vladimiro Montesinos, a former National Intelligence Service (SIN) officer who was tasked with spying on the Peruvian military for the CIA.[158][159] An agreement was ultimately adopted between the armed forces and Fujimori after he was inaugurated president,[156] with the Fujimori implementing many of the objectives outlined in Plan Verde.[159][156] Fujimori then established Fujimorism, an ideology with authoritarian[160] and conservative traits[161][162] that is still prevalent throughout Peru's institutions,[163] leading Peru through the 1992 Peruvian coup d'état until he fled to Japan in 2000 during the Vladivideos scandal. Following Alberto Fujimori's arrest and trial, his daughter Keiko Fujimori assumed leadership of the Fujimorist movement and established Popular Force, a far-right political party.[164][165][166] The 2016 Peruvian general election resulted with the party holding the most power in the Congress of Peru from 2016 to 2019, marking the beginning of a political crisis. Following the 2021 Peruvian general election, far-right politician Rafael López Aliaga and his party Popular Renewal rose in popularity[167][168][169][170][171][172] and a far-right Congress – with the body's largest far-right bloc being Popular Force, Popular Renewal and Advance Country[173] – was elected into office.[174] Following the election, La Resistencia Dios, Patria y Familia, a neofascist militant organization would promote Fujimorism and oppose President Pedro Castillo.[175][176][177]

United States

In United States politics, the terms "extreme right", "far-right", and "ultra-right" are labels used to describe "militant forms of insurgent revolutionary right ideology and separatist ethnocentric nationalism", according to The Public Eye.[178] The terms are used for groups and movements such as Christian Identity,[178] the Creativity Movement,[178] the Ku Klux Klan,[178] the National Socialist Movement,[178][179][180] the National Alliance,[178] the Joy of Satan Ministries,[179][180] and the Order of Nine Angles.[181] These far-right groups share conspiracist views of power which are overwhelmingly anti-Semitic and reject pluralist democracy in favour of an organic oligarchy that would unite the perceived homogeneously racial Völkish nation.[178][181] The far-right in the United States is composed of various neo-fascist, neo-Nazi, white nationalist, and white supremacist organizations and networks who have been known to refer to an "acceleration" of racial conflict through violent means such as assassinations, murders, terrorist attacks, and societal collapse, in order to achieve the building of a white ethnostate.[182]

Radical right
Ku Klux Klan parade in Washington, D.C., September 1926

Starting in the 1870s and continuing through the late 19th century, numerous white supremacist paramilitary groups operated in the South, with the goal of organizing against and intimidating supporters of the Republican Party. Examples of such groups included the Red Shirts and the White League. The Second Ku Klux Klan, which was formed in 1915, combined Protestant fundamentalism and moralism with right-wing extremism. Its major support came from the urban South, the Midwest, and the Pacific Coast.[183] While the Klan initially drew upper middle class support, its bigotry and violence alienated these members and it came to be dominated by less educated and poorer members.[184]

Between the 1920s and the 1930s, the Ku Klux Klan developed an explicitly nativist, pro-Anglo-Saxon Protestant, anti-Catholic, anti-Irish, anti-Italian, and anti-Jewish stance in relation to the growing political, economic, and social uncertainty related to the arrival of European immigrants on the American soil, predominantly composed of Irish people, Italians, and Eastern European Jews.[185] The Ku Klux Klan claimed that there was a secret Catholic army within the United States loyal to the Pope, that one million Knights of Columbus were arming themselves, and that Irish-American policemen would shoot Protestants as heretics. Their sensationalistic claims eventually developed into full-blown political conspiracy theories, to the point that the Klan claimed that Roman Catholics were planning to take Washington and put the Vatican in power and that all presidential assassinations had been carried out by Roman Catholics.[186][187] The prominent Klan leader D. C. Stephenson believed in the antisemitic canard of Jewish control of finance, claiming that international Jewish bankers were behind the World War I and planned to destroy economic opportunities for Christians. Other Klansmen believed in the Jewish Bolshevism conspiracy theory and claimed that the Russian Revolution and communism were orchestrated by the Jews. They frequently reprinted parts of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and New York City was condemned as an evil city controlled by Jews and Roman Catholics. The objects of the Klan fear tended to vary by locale and included African Americans as well as American Roman Catholics, Jews, labour unions, liquor, Orientals, and Wobblies. They were also anti-elitist and attacked "the intellectuals", seeing themselves as egalitarian defenders of the common man.[188] During the Great Depression, there were a large number of small nativist groups, whose ideologies and bases of support were similar to those of earlier nativist groups. However, proto-fascist movements such as Huey Long's Share Our Wealth and Charles Coughlin's National Union for Social Justice emerged which differed from other right-wing groups by attacking big business, calling for economic reforms, and rejecting nativism. Coughlin's group later developed a racist ideology.[189]

During the Cold War and the Red Scares, the far right "saw spies and communists influencing government and entertainment. Thus, despite bipartisan anticommunism in the United States, it was the right that mainly fought the great ideological battle against the communists."[190] The John Birch Society, founded in 1958, is a prominent example of a far-right organization mainly concerned with anti-communism and the perceived threat of communism. Neo-Nazi militant Robert Jay Matthews of the White supremacist group The Order came to support the John Birch Society, especially when conservative icon Barry Goldwater from Arizona ran for the presidency on the Republican Party ticket. Far-right conservatives consider John Birch to be the first casualty of the Cold War.[191] In the 1990s, many conservatives turned against then-President George H. W. Bush, who pleasured neither the Republican Party's more moderate and far-right wings. As a result, Bush was primared by Pat Buchanan. In the 2000s, critics of President George W. Bush's conservative unilateralism argued it can be traced to both Vice President Dick Cheney who embraced the policy since the early 1990s and to far-right Congressmen who won their seats during the conservative revolution of 1994.[12]

Although small voluntary militias had existed in the United States throughout the latter half of the 20th century, the groups became more popular during the early 1990s, after a series of standoffs between armed citizens and federal government agents, such as the 1992 Ruby Ridge siege and 1993 Waco Siege. These groups expressed concern for what they perceived as government tyranny within the United States and generally held constitutionalist, libertarian, and right-libertarian political views, with a strong focus on the Second Amendment gun rights and tax protest. They also embraced many of the same conspiracy theories as predecessor groups on the radical right, particularly the New World Order conspiracy theory. Examples of such groups are the patriot and militia movements Oath Keepers and the Three Percenters. A minority of militia groups, such as the Aryan Nations and the Posse Comitatus, were White nationalists and saw militia and patriot movements as a form of White resistance against what they perceived to be a liberal and multiculturalist government. Militia and patriot organizations were involved in the 2014 Bundy standoff[192][193] and the 2016 occupation of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge.[194][195]

National Socialist Movement rally on the west lawn of the US Capitol, Washington, DC, 2008

After the September 11 attacks in 2001, the counter-jihad movement, supported by groups such as Stop Islamization of America and individuals such as Frank Gaffney and Pamela Geller, began to gain traction among the American right. The counter-jihad members were widely dubbed "Islamophobic" for their vocal criticism of the Islamic religion and its founder Muhammad,[196] and their belief that there was a significant threat posed by Muslims living in America.[196] Its proponents believed that the United States was under threat from "Islamic supremacism", accusing the Council on American-Islamic Relations and even prominent conservatives such as Suhail A. Khan and Grover Norquist of supporting radical Islamist groups and organizations, such as the Muslim Brotherhood. The alt-right emerged during the 2016 United States presidential election cycle in support of the Donald Trump's presidential campaign (see: Trumpism). It draws influence from paleoconservatism, paleolibertarianism, white nationalism, the manosphere, and the Identitarian and neoreactionary movements. The alt-right differs from previous radical right movements due to its heavy internet presence on websites such as 4chan.[197]

Chetan Bhatt, in White Extinction: Metaphysical Elements of Contemporary Western Fascism, says that "The 'fear of white extinction', and related ideas of population eugenics, have travelled far and represent a wider political anxiety about 'white displacement' in the US, UK, and Europe that has fuelled the right-wing phenomena referred to by that sanitizing word 'populism', a term that neatly evades attention to the racism and white majoritarianism that energizes it."[198]

Asia

China

In the 21st century, far-right Chinese nationalism has been criticized for being used to justify oppression of the Xinjiang, Hong Kong region and a lack of human rights improvement,[199][200] but full-scale ultranationalism is deemed to be unlikely.[201] The Chinese Communist Party and its general secretary Xi Jinping have also tolerated or moved closer toward ultraconservative[202] and Han-centric values.[203][204]

Jiang Shigong is considered a major promoter of the ideas of Carl Schmitt and neoauthoritarianism in China.[205] Some intellectuals "flirted" with neoconservatism and its "fascistic-like characteristics", but they have not gained wide appeal.[206]

India

Bharatiya Janata Party in India has been claimed to combine economic nationalism with religious nationalism.[207]

Indonesia

Some islamists in Indonesia are far-right.[208]

Israel

Flag of Kach, used by Kahanists

Kach was a radical Orthodox Jewish, religious Zionist political party in Israel, existing from 1971 to 1994.[209] Founded by Rabbi Meir Kahane in 1971, based on his Jewish-Orthodox-nationalist ideology subsequently known as Kahanism, which held the view that most Arabs living in Israel are enemies of Jews and Israel itself, and believed that a Jewish theocratic state, where non-Jews have no voting rights, should be created.[210] The party secured a single seat in the Knesset in the 1984 election,[211] but was subsequently barred from standing in elections, and both it and Kahanism organisations were banned outright in 1994 by the Israeli cabinet under 1948 anti-terrorism laws,[212] following statements by it in support of the 1994 Cave of the Patriarchs massacre by a Kach supporter.[213]

In 2015, the Kach party and Kahanist movement were believed to have an overlapping membership of fewer than 100 people,[214][215] with links to the modern party Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) party,[216][217] which, running on a Kahanist and anti-Arab platform,[218][219] won six seats in the 2022 Israeli legislative election, having run jointly with fellow far-right parties Religious Zionist Party and Noam.[220][221] The thirty-seventh government of Israel which formed after the 2022 Israeli legislative election as subsequently been critiqued as Israel's most hardline and far-right government to date.[222][223] The coalition government consists of six parties: Likud, United Torah Judaism, Shas, Otzma Yehudit, Religious Zionist Party and Noam, so having half of its coalition partners hailing from the far-right. The government has been noted for its significant shift towards far-right policies, and the appointment of controversial far-right politicians, including Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, to positions of considerable influence.[224]

Japan

Gaisen Uyoku (街宣右翼), a Japanese far-right group, holding an anti-China speech at the square of Kinshichō Station in Sumida, Tokyo (2010)

In 1996, the National Police Agency estimated that there were over 1,000 extremist right-wing groups in Japan, with about 100,000 members in total. These groups are known in Japanese as Uyoku dantai. While there are political differences among the groups, they generally carry a philosophy of anti-leftism, hostility towards China, North Korea and South Korea, and justification of Japan's role and war crimes in World War II. Uyoku dantai groups are well known for their highly visible propaganda vehicles fitted with loudspeakers and prominently marked with the name of the group and propaganda slogans. The vehicles play patriotic or wartime-era Japanese songs. Activists affiliated with such groups have used Molotov cocktails and time bombs to intimidate moderate Japanese politicians and public figures, including former Deputy Foreign Minister Hitoshi Tanaka and Fuji Xerox Chairman Yotaro Kobayashi. An ex-member of a right-wing group set fire to Liberal Democratic Party politician Koichi Kato's house. Koichi Kato and Yotaro Kobayashi had spoken out against Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni Shrine.[225] Openly revisionist, Nippon Kaigi is considered "the biggest right-wing organization in Japan."[226][227]

Malaysia

Far-right non-governmental organizations have been appropriating human rights language in Malaysia.[228]

Taiwan (Republic of China)

Party flag of Patriot Alliance Association (PAA)

The far-right New Party[229] supports the Chinese unification as proposed by the Chinese Communist Party.[230][231] Most politicians in the conservative Kuomintang reject one country, two systems.[232][233]

Europe

Armenia

The Armenian-Aryan Racialist Political Movement and the Adequate Party are the main far-right political movements in Armenia.[234][235]

Croatia

Individuals and groups in Croatia that employ far-right politics are most often associated with the historical Ustaše movement, hence they have connections to neo-Nazism and neo-fascism. That World War II political movement was an extremist organization at the time supported by the German Nazis and the Italian Fascists. The association with the Ustaše has been called neo-Ustashism by Slavko Goldstein.[236] Most active far-right political parties in Croatia openly state their continuity with the Ustaše.[237] These include the Croatian Party of Rights and Authentic Croatian Party of Rights.[237] Croatia's far-right often advocates the false theory that the Jasenovac concentration camp was a "labour camp" where mass murder did not take place.[238]

The coalition led by Miroslav Škoro's far-right Homeland Movement came third at the 2020 parliamentary election, winning 10.9% of the vote and 16 seats.[239][240]

Estonia

General Andres Larka speaking in 1933

Estonia's most significant far-right movement was the Vaps movement. Its ideological predecessor Valve Liit was founded by Admiral Johan Pitka and later banned for maligning the government. The organization became politicized quickly Vaps soon turned into a mass fascist movement.[241] In 1933, Estonians voted on Vaps' proposed changes to the constitution and the party later won a large proportion of the vote. However, the State Elder Konstantin Päts declared state of emergency and imprisoned the leadership of the Vaps. In 1935, all political parties were banned. In 1935, a Vaps coup attempt was discovered, which led to the banning of the Finnish Patriotic People's Movement's youth wing that had been secretly aiding and arming them.[242][243]

Far-right torch march in Tallinn

During World War II, the Estonian Self-Administration was a collaborationist pro-Nazi government set up in Estonia, headed by Vaps member Hjalmar Mäe.[244] In the 21st century, the coalition-governing Conservative People's Party of Estonia been described as far right.[245] The neo-Nazi terrorist organization Feuerkrieg Division was found and operates in the country, with some members of the Conservative People's Party of Estonia having been linked to the Feuerkrieg Division.[246][247][248][249] The party's youth organisation Blue Awakening organises an annual torchlight march through Tallinn on Estonia's Independence Day. The event has been harshly criticized by the Simon Wiesenthal Center that described it as "Nuremberg-esque" and likened the ideology of the participants to that of the Estonian Nazi collaborators.[250][251]

Finland

The Peasant March, a show of force in Helsinki by the Lapua Movement on 7 July 1930

In Finland, support for the far right was most widespread between 1920 and 1940 when the Academic Karelia Society, Lapua Movement, Patriotic People's Movement and Vientirauha operated in the country and had hundreds of thousands of members.[252] Far-right groups exercised considerable political power during this period, pressuring the government to outlaw communist parties and newspapers and expel Freemasons from the armed forces.[253][254] During the Cold War, all parties deemed fascist were banned according to the Paris Peace Treaties and all former fascist activists had to find new political homes.[255] Despite Finlandization, many continued in public life. Three former members of the Waffen SS served as ministers of defense; Sulo Suorttanen and Pekka Malinen as well as Mikko Laaksonen.[256][257]

Captain Arvi Kalsta addressing an SKJ meeting

The skinhead culture gained momentum during the late 1980s and peaked during the late 1990s. Numerous hate crimes were committed against refugees, including a number of racially motivated murders.[258][259]

Today, the most prominent neo-Nazi group is the Nordic Resistance Movement, which is tied to multiple murders, attempted murders and assaults of political enemies was found in 2006 and proscribed in 2019. Prominent far-right parties include the Blue-and-Black Movement and Power Belongs to the People.[260] The second biggest Finnish party, the Finns Party, has been described as far right.[261][262][263][264] The former leader of the Finns party and current speaker of the Parliament Jussi Halla-aho, has been convicted of hate speech due to his comments stating that, "Prophet Muhammad was a pedophile and Islam justifies pedophilia and Pedophilia was Allah's will." Finns Party members have frequently supported far-right and neo-Nazi movements such as the Finnish Defense League, Soldiers of Odin, Nordic Resistance Movement, Rajat Kiinni (Close the Borders), and Suomi Ensin (Finland First). "[265] In the 1990s and 2000s, before the breakthrough of the Finns Party, a few neo-Nazi candidates enjoyed success, like Janne Kujala of Finland - Fatherland (founded as Aryan Germanic Brotherhood) and Jouni Lanamäki who was previously associated with the Nordic Reich Party.[266][267] Pekka Siitoin of the National Democracy Party was the fifth most popular candidate in Naantali city council elections.[268]

The NRM and Finns party and other far-right groups organize an annual torch march demonstration in Helsinki in memory of the Finnish SS-battalion on the Finnish independence day which ends at the Hietaniemi cemetery where members visit the tomb of Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim and the monument to the Finnish SS Battalion.[269][270] The event is protested by antifascists, leading to counterdemonstrators being violently assaulted by NRM members who act as security. The demonstration attracts close to 3,000 participants according to the estimates of the police and hundreds of officers patrol Helsinki to prevent violent clashes.[271][272][273][274]

France

A Génération Identitaire demonstration in France, 2017

The largest far-right party in Europe is the French anti-immigration party National Rally, formally known as the National Front.[275][276] The party was founded in 1972, uniting a variety of French far-right groups under the leadership of Jean-Marie Le Pen.[277] Since 1984, it has been the major force of French nationalism.[278] Jean-Marie Le Pen's daughter Marine Le Pen was elected to succeed him as party leader in 2012. Under Jean-Marie Le Pen's leadership, the party sparked outrage for hate speech, including Holocaust denial and Islamophobia.[279][280]

Germany

Right-wing populists protesting against Islam in Germany, 2008

In 1945, the Allied powers took control of Germany and banned the swastika, Nazi Party and the publication of Mein Kampf. Explicitly Nazi and neo-Nazi organizations are banned in Germany.[281] In 1960, the West German parliament voted unanimously to "make it illegal to incite hatred, to provoke violence, or to insult, ridicule or defame 'parts of the population' in a manner apt to breach the peace." German law outlaws anything that "approves of, glorifies or justifies the violent and despotic rule of the National Socialists."[281] Section 86a of the Strafgesetzbuch (Criminal Code) outlaws any "use of symbols of unconstitutional organizations" outside the contexts of "art or science, research or teaching". The law primarily outlaws the use of Nazi symbols, flags, insignia, uniforms, slogans and forms of greeting.[282] In the 21st century, the German far right consists of various small parties and two larger groups, namely Alternative for Germany (AfD) and Pegida.[281][283][284][285] In March 2021, the Germany domestic intelligence agency Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution placed the AfD under surveillance, the first time in the post-war period that a main opposition party had been subjected to such scrutiny.[286]

Greece

Metaxism
Ioannis Metaxas

The far right in Greece first came to power under the ideology of Metaxism, a proto-fascist ideology developed by dictator Ioannis Metaxas.[287] Metaxism called for the regeneration of the Greek nation and the establishment of an ethnically homogeneous state.[288] Metaxism disparaged liberalism, and held individual interests to be subordinate to those of the nation, seeking to mobilize the Greek people as a disciplined mass in service to the creation of a "new Greece".[288]

The Metaxas government and its official doctrines are often compared to conventional totalitarian-conservative dictatorships such as Francisco Franco's Spain or António de Oliveira Salazar's Portugal.[287][289] The Metaxist government derived its authority from the conservative establishment and its doctrines strongly supported traditional institutions such as the Greek Orthodox Church and the Greek Royal Family; essentially reactionary, it lacked the radical theoretical dimensions of ideologies such as Italian Fascism and German Nazism.[287][289]

Axis occupation of Greece and aftermath
German soldiers in 1941 raising the German War Flag over the Acropolis which would be taken down by Manolis Glezos and Apostolos Santas in one of the first acts of resistance

The Metaxis regime came to an end after the Axis powers invaded Greece. The Axis occupation of Greece began in April 1941.[290] The occupation ruined the Greek economy and brought about terrible hardships for the Greek civilian population.[291] The Jewish population of Greece was nearly eradicated. Of its pre-war population of 75–77,000, only around 11–12,000 survived, either by joining the resistance or being hidden.[292] Following the short-lived interim government of Georgios Papandreou, the military seized power in Greece during the 1967 Greek coup d'état, replacing the interim government with the right-wing United States-backed Greek junta. The Junta was a series of military juntas that ruled Greece from 1967 to 1974. The dictatorship was characterised by right-wing cultural policies, restrictions on civil liberties and the imprisonment, torture and exile of political opponents. The junta's rule ended on 24 July 1974 under the pressure of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, leading to the Metapolitefsi ("regime change") to democracy and the establishment of the Third Hellenic Republic.[293][294]

Until 2019, the dominant far-right party in Greece in the 21st century was the neo-Nazi[295][296][297][298][299][300][301] and Mataxist inspired[302][303][304][305][306] Golden Dawn.[307][308][309][310][311] At the May 2012 Greek legislative election, Golden Dawn won 21 seats in the Hellenic Parliament, receiving 6.97% of the vote.[312][313] It became the third largest party in the Greek Parliament with 17 seats after the January 2015 election, winning 6.28% of the vote.[314]

Founded by Nikolaos Michaloliakos, Golden Dawn had its origins in the movement that worked towards a return to right-wing military dictatorship in Greece. Following an investigation into the 2013 murder of Pavlos Fyssas, an anti-fascist rapper, by a supporter of the party,[315] Michaloliakos and several other Golden Dawn parliamentarians and members were arrested and held in pre-trial detention on suspicion of forming a criminal organization.[316] The trial began on 20 April 2015[317] and eventually led to the conviction of 7 of its leaders for heading a criminal organisation and 61 other defendants for participating in a criminal organisation.[318] Guilty verdicts on charges of murder, attempted murder, and violent attacks on immigrants and left-wing political opponents were also delivered and prison sentences of a combined total of over 500 years were handed out.

Golden Dawn later lost all of its remaining seats in the Greek Parliament in the 2019 Greek legislative election, and[319] a 2020 survey showed the party's popularity plummeting to just 1.5%, down from 2.9% in previous year's elections.[320] This means that the largest party in Greece that is considered right wing to far right is Greek Solution, which has been described as ideologically ultranationalist[321][322] and right-wing populist.[323] The party garnered 3.7% of the vote in the 2019 Greek legislative election, winning 10 out of the 300 seats in the Hellenic Parliament and 4.18% of the vote in the 2019 European Parliament election in Greece, winning one seat in the European Parliament.[324]

Italy

The far right has maintained a continuous political presence in Italy since the fall of Mussolini. The neo-fascist party Italian Social Movement (1946–1995), influenced by the previous Italian Social Republic (1943–1945), became one of the chief reference points for the European far-right from the end of World War II until the late 1980s.[325]

Silvio Berlusconi and his Forza Italia party dominated politics from 1994. According to some scholars, it gave neo-fascism a new respectability.[326] Caio Giulio Cesare Mussolini, great-grandson of Benito Mussolini, stood for the 2019 European Parliament election as a member of the far right Brothers of Italy party.[326] In 2011, it was estimated that the neo-fascist CasaPound party had 5,000 members.[327] The name is derived from the fascist poet Ezra Pound. It has also been influenced by the Manifesto of Verona, the Labour Charter of 1927 and social legislation of fascism.[328] There has been collaboration between CasaPound and the identitarian movement.[329]

The European migrant crisis has become an increasingly divisive issue in Italy.[330] Interior Minister Matteo Salvini has been courting far-right voters. His Northern League party has become an anti-immigrant, nationalist movement. Both parties are using Mussolini nostalgia to further their aims.[326]

Netherlands

Despite being neutral, the Netherlands was invaded by Nazi Germany on 10 May 1940 as part of Fall Gelb.[331] About 70% of the country's Jewish population were killed during the occupation, a much higher percentage than comparable countries such as Belgium and France.[332] Most of the south of the country was liberated in the second half of 1944. The rest, especially the west and north of the country still under occupation, suffered from a famine at the end of 1944 known as the Hunger Winter. On 5 May 1945, the whole country was finally liberated by the total surrender of all German forces. Since the end of World War II, the Netherlands has had a number of small far-right groups and parties, the largest and most successful being the Party for Freedom led by Geert Wilders.[333] Other far-right Dutch groups include the neo-Nazi Dutch People's Union (1973–present),[334] the Centre Party (1982–1986), the Centre Party '86 (1986–1998), the Dutch Block (1992–2000), New National Party (1998–2005) and the ultranationalist National Alliance (2003–2007).[335][336]

Poland

National Radical Camp march in Kraków, July 2007

Following the collapse of Communist Poland, a number of far-right groups came to prominence including The National Revival of Poland, the European National Front, the Association for Tradition and Culture "Niklot".[337] The All-Polish Youth and National Radical Camp were recreated in 1989 and 1993, respectively becoming Poland's most prominent far-right organizations. In 1995, the Anti-Defamation League estimated the number of far-right and white power skinheads in Poland at 2,000.[338] Since late 2000s smaller fascist groups have merged to form the neo-Nazi Autonome Nationalisten. A number of far-right parties have run candidates in elections including the League of Polish Families, the National Movement with limited success.[339]

In 2019, the Confederation Liberty and Independence had the best performance of any far-right coalition to date, earning 1,256,953 votes which was 6.81% of the total vote in an election that saw a historically high turnout. Members of far-right groups make up a significant portion of those taking part in the annual Independence March in central Warsaw which started in 2009 to mark Independence Day. About 60,000 were in the 2017 march marking the 99th anniversary of independence, with placards such as "Clean Blood" seen on the march.[340]

Romania

The preeminent far-right party in Romania is the Greater Romania Party, founded in 1991 by Tudor, who was formerly known as a "court poet" of Communist dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu[341] and his literary mentor, the writer Eugen Barbu, one year after Tudor launched the România Mare weekly magazine, which remains the most important propaganda tool of the PRM. Tudor subsequently launched a companion daily newspaper called Tricolorul. The historical expression Greater Romania refers to the idea of recreating the former Kingdom of Romania which existed during the interwar period. Having been the largest entity to bear the name of Romania, the frontiers were marked with the intent of uniting most territories inhabited by ethnic Romanians into a single country and it is now a rallying cry for Romanian nationalists. Due to internal conditions under Communist Romania after World War II, the expression's use was forbidden in publications until after the Romanian Revolution in 1989. The party's initial success was partly attributed to the deep rootedness of Ceaușescu's national communism in Romania.[342]

Both the ideology and the main political focus of the Greater Romania Party are reflected in frequently strongly nationalistic articles written by Tudor. The party has called for the outlawing of the ethnic Hungarian party, the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania, for allegedly plotting the secession of Transylvania.[343]

Russia

The period of development of Russian fascism in the 1930s–1940s was characterized by sympathy for Italian fascism and German Nazism and pronounced anti-communism and antisemitism.

The Russian Fascist Party in the first half of the 20th century. The slogan "Let's get our homeland!" is also used by the modern far-right in Russia.

Russian fascism has its roots in the movements known in history as the Black Hundreds and the White movement. It was distributed among white émigré circles living in Germany, Manchukuo, and the United States. In Germany and the United States (unlike Manchukuo), they practically did not conduct political activity, limiting themselves to the publication of newspapers and brochures.

Some ideologues of the white movement, such as Ivan Ilyin and Vasily Shulgin, welcomed the coming to power of Mussolini in Italy and Hitler in Germany, offering their comrades-in-arms the fascist "method" as a way to fight socialism, communism, and godlessness. At the same time, they did not deny fascist political repression and antisemitism and even justified them.[344]

With the outbreak of World War II, Russian fascists in Germany supported Nazi Germany and joined the ranks of Russian collaborators.

Some Russian neo-Nazi organizations are part of the international World Union of National Socialists (WUNS, founded in 1962). As of 2012, six Russian organizations are among the officially registered members of the union: National Resistance, National Socialist Movement – Russian Division, All-Russian Public Patriotic Movement "Russian National Unity", National Socialist Movement "Slavic Union" (prohibited by a court decision in June 2010), and others. The following organizations are not included in WUNS: the National Socialist Society (banned by a court decision in 2010), the Russian All-National Union (banned in September 2011), and others, such as skinheads: "Legion" Werewolf "" (liquidated in 1996), "Schultz-88" (liquidated in 2006), "White Wolves" (liquidated in 2008–2010), "New Order" (ceased to exist), " Russian goal "(ceased to exist), and others. Some of the more radical neo-Nazi organizations, using terrorist methods, belonged to skinhead groups such as the Werewolf Legion (liquidated in 1996), Schultz-88 (liquidated in 2006), White Wolves (liquidated in 2008— 2010), New Order (ceased to exist), "Russian Goal" (ceased to exist), and others.[345]

Until the end of the 1990s, one of the largest parties of Russian national extremists was the neo-Nazi socio-political movement "Russian National Unity" (RNE), founded by Alexander Barkashov in 1990. At the end of 1999, the RNE made an unsuccessful attempt to take part in the elections to the State Duma. Barkashov considered "true Orthodoxy" as a fusion of Christianity with paganism and advocated the "Russian God" and the "Aryan swastika" allegedly associated with it. He wrote about the Atlanteans, the Etruscans, and the "Aryan" civilization as the direct predecessors of the Russian nation, in a centuries-old struggle with the "Semites", the "world Jewish conspiracy", and the "dominance of the Jews in Russia". The symbol of the movement was a modified swastika. Barkashov was a parishioner of the "True Orthodox ("Catacomb") Church", and the first cells of the RNE were formed as brotherhoods and communities of the RTOC.[346]

The ideology of Russian neo-Nazism is closely connected with the ideology of Slavic neo-paganism (rodnovery). In a number of cases, there are also organizational ties between neo-Nazis and neo-pagans. One of the founders of Russian neo-paganism, the former dissident Alexey Dobrovolsky (pagan name – Dobroslav) shared the ideas of Nazism and transferred them to his neo-pagan teaching.[346][347] Modern Russian neo-paganism took shape in the second half[348] of the 1970s and is associated with the activities of Dobrovolsky and Moscow Arabist Valery Yemelyanov (neo-pagan name – Velemir),[349][347] both supporters of antisemitism. Rodnoverie is a popular religion among Russian skinheads.[350][351] These skinheads, however, do not usually practice their religion.[352]

Historian Dmitry Shlapentokh wrote that, as in Europe, neo-paganism in Russia pushes some of its adherents to antisemitism. This antisemitism is closely related to negative attitudes towards Asians, and this emphasis on racial factors can lead neo-pagans to neo-Nazism. The tendency of neo-pagans to antisemitism is a logical development of the ideas of neo-paganism and imitation of the Nazis, and is also a consequence of a number of specific conditions of modern Russian politics. Unlike previous regimes, the modern Russian political regime, as well as the ideology of the middle class, combines support for Orthodoxy with philosemitism and a positive attitude towards Muslims. These features of the regime contributed to the formation of specific views of neo-Nazi neo-pagans, which are represented to a large extent among the socially unprotected and marginalized Russian youth. In their opinion, power in Russia was usurped by a cabal of conspirators, including hierarchs of the Orthodox Church, Jews, and Muslims. Contrary to external differences, it is believed that these forces have united in their desire to maintain power over the Russian "Aryans".[353]

Serbia

Chetniks in Belgrade, 1920

In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, multiple far-right organizations and parties operated during the late Interwar period such as the Yugoslav National Movement (Zbor), Yugoslav Radical Union (JRZ) and Organization of Yugoslav Nationalists (ORJUNA). Zbor was headed by Dimitrije Ljotić, who during the World War II collaborated with the Axis powers.[354] Ljotić was a supporter of Italian fascism,[355] and he advocated for the establishment of a centralized Yugoslav state that would be dominated by Serbs, and a return to Christian traditions.[356] Zbor was the only registered political party in Yugoslavia that openly promoted antisemitism and xenophobia.[357] JRZ was registered as a political party in 1934 by Milan Stojadinović, a right-wing politician who expressed his support towards Italian fascism during his premiership.[358] JRZ was initially a coalition made up of Stojadinović's, Anton Korošec's and Mehmed Spaho's supporters, and the party was the main stronghold for Yugoslav ethnic nationalists and supporters of Karađorđević dynasty.[359] ORJUNA was a prominent organization in the 1920s that was influenced by fascism.[355] During World War II, Chetniks, an ethnic ultranationalist movement rose to prominence.[360] Chetniks were staunchly anti-communist and they supported monarchism and the creation of a Greater Serbian state.[361][362] They, including their leader Draža Mihailović, extensively collaborated with the Axis powers in the second half of the World War II against their common enemy, the Yugoslav Partisans.[363]

After the re-establishment of the multi-party system in Serbia in 1990, multiple right-wing movements and parties began getting popularity from which the Serbian Radical Party was the most successful.[355] Vojislav Šešelj, who founded the party, promoted popular notions of "international conspiracy against the Serbs" during the 1990s which gained him popularity in the 1992 and 1997 election.[364] During the 1990s, SRS has been also described as neofascist due to their vocal support of ethnic ultranationalism and irredentism.[365][366] Its popularity went into decline after the 2008 election when its acting leader Tomislav Nikolić seceded from the party to form the Serbian Progressive Party.[367] Besides SRS, during the 2000s multiple neofascist and Neo-Nazi movements began getting popular, such as Nacionalni stroj, Obraz and 1389 Movement.[368] Dveri, an organization turned political party, was also a prominent promoter of far-right content, and they were mainly known for their clerical-fascist, socially conservative and anti-Western stances.[369][370] Since 2019, the far-right Serbian Party Oathkeepers has gained popularity mainly due to their ultranationalist views,[371] including the openly neofascist Leviathan Movement.[372][373]

Slovenia

There are multiple groups and organisations within Slovenia which are or have been engaged in far-right political activity, and right-wing extremism. Their political activity has traditionally opposed and targeted socially progressive policies, and minorities (in particular; the LGBT community, and ethnic minorities like the Roma and immigrants (particularly those from the Southern Balkans),[374][375][376][377] and espoused traditional ultraconservative and reactionary views and values.[374][376] More recently, a rise in new, incipient alt-right groups has been noted, particularly as a reaction to the European migrant crisis.[citation needed] While far-right actors have been responsible for multiple acts of violent extremism in Slovenia[375][376][378] it is a relatively minor issue in the country.[379][failed verification]

Spain

The history of the far-right in Spain dates back to at least the 1800s and refers to any manifestation of far-right politics in Spain. Individuals and organizations associated with the far-right in Spain often employ reactionary traditionalism, religious fundamentalism, corporate Catholicism, and fascism in their ideological practice. In the case of Spain, according to historian Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, the predominance of Catholicism played an essential role in the suppression of external political innovations such as Social Darwinism, positivism, and vitalism in Spanish far-right politics.[380]

United Kingdom

The British far-right rose out of the fascist movement. In 1932, Oswald Mosley founded the British Union of Fascists (BUF) which was banned during World War II.[381] Founded in 1954 by A. K. Chesterton, the League of Empire Loyalists became the main British far-right group at the time. It was a pressure group rather than a political party, and did not contest elections. Most of its members were part of the Conservative Party and were known for politically embarrassing stunts at party conferences.[382] Other fascist parties included the White Defence League and the National Labour Party who merged in 1960 to form the second British National Party (BNP).[383]

With the decline of the British Empire becoming inevitable, British far-right parties turned their attention to internal matters. The 1950s had seen an increase in immigration to the UK from its former colonies, particularly India, Pakistan, the Caribbean and Uganda. Led by John Bean and Andrew Fountaine, the BNP opposed the admittance of these people to the UK. A number of its rallies such as one in 1962 in Trafalgar Square ended in race riots. After a few early successes, the party got into difficulties and was destroyed by internal arguments. In 1967 it joined forces with John Tyndall and the remnants of Chesterton's League of Empire Loyalists to form Britain's largest far-right organisation, the National Front (NF).[384] The BNP and the NF supported extreme loyalism in Northern Ireland, and attracted Conservative Party members who had become disillusioned after Harold Macmillan had recognised the right to independence of the African colonies and had criticised Apartheid in South Africa.[385]

Some Northern Irish loyalist paramilitaries have links with far-right and neo-Nazi groups in Britain, including Combat 18,[386][387] the British National Socialist Movement[388] and the NF.[389] In 2004, The Guardian reported that loyalist paramilitaries had been responsible for numerous racist attacks in loyalist areas.[390] During the 1970s, the NF's rallies became a regular feature of British politics. Election results remained strong in a few working-class urban areas, with a number of local council seats won, but the party never came anywhere near winning representation in parliament.

Since the 1970s, the NF's support has been in decline whilst Nick Griffin and the current British National Party (BNP) grew in popularity. Around the turn of the 21st century, the BNP won a number of council seats. At its peak in the late 2000s, the party had 54 local council seats, one seat in the London Assembly, two seats in the European Parliament, and were the official opposition in the Barking and Dagenham London Borough Council. The party received almost a million votes in the 2009 European Parliament elections, and contested the majority of UK parliamentary seats in the 2010 general election. The party's membership was 12,632 and its financial resources were an estimated £1,983,947.[46] By the early 2010s the BNP saw its support and membership quickly collapse due to internal divisions caused by a disappointing performance in the 2010 elections. Griffin was ousted as leader in 2014 after losing his European Parliament seat, and since then the party has been in terminal decline under the leadership of Adam Walker.

A number of breakaway groups have been established by former members of the BNP, such as Britain First by ex-councillor Paul Golding, the British Democrats by ex-MEP and leadership candidate Andrew Brons, as well as Patriotic Alternative by Mark Collett. UK Independence Party (UKIP) leader Nigel Farage claimed that his party absorbed much of the BNP's former voters during their electoral peak in the early 2010s.[391] The party was accused of shifting towards far-right, anti-Islam politics under the leadership of Paul Nuttall and Gerard Batten during its decline in the late 2010s. Anti-Islam activist and former UKIP leadership candidate Anne Marie Waters established the far-right For Britain Movement, which gained a small number of ex-BNP councillors. It was deregistered in 2022, and subsequently a large portion of prominent far-right activists began coalescing around the British Democrats, which (following UKIP's loss of its few councillors on 4 May 2023, leaving it with only a few parish and town councillors) quickly established itself as the UK's only far-right party with any electoral representation.

Oceania

Australia

Captain Francis de Groot declares the Sydney Harbour Bridge open in March 1932.

Coming to prominence in Sydney with the formation of the New Guard (1931) and the Centre Party (1933), the far right has played a part in Australian political discourse since the second world war.[392] These proto-fascist groups were monarchist, anti-communist and authoritarian in nature. Early far-right groups were followed by the explicitly fascist Australia First Movement (1941).[393][394] The far right in Australia went on to acquire more explicitly racial connotations during the 1960s and 1970s, morphing into self-proclaimed Nazi, fascist and antisemitic movements, organisations that opposed non-white and non-Christian immigration such as the neo-Nazi National Socialist Party of Australia (1967) and the militant white supremacist group National Action (1982).[395][396][397]

Since the 1980s, the term has mainly been used to describe those who express the wish to preserve what they perceive to be Judeo-Christian, Anglo-Australian culture and those who campaign against Aboriginal land rights, multiculturalism, immigration and asylum seekers. Since 2001, Australia has seen the development of modern neo-Nazi, neo-fascist or alt-right groups such as the True Blue Crew, the United Patriots Front, Fraser Anning's Conservative National Party and the Antipodean Resistance.[398]

New Zealand

A small number of far-right organisations have existed in New Zealand since World War II, including the Conservative Front, the New Zealand National Front and the National Democrats Party.[399][400] Far-right parties in New Zealand lack significant support, with their protests often dwarfed by counter protest.[401] After the Christchurch mosque shootings in 2019, the National Front "publicly shut up shop"[402] and largely went underground like other far-right groups.[403]

Fiji

Nationalist Vanua Tako Lavo Party

The Nationalist Vanua Tako Lavo Party was a far-right political party which advocated Fijian ethnic nationalism.[404] In 2009, party leader Iliesa Duvuloco was arrested for breaching the military regime's emergency laws by distributing pamphlets calling for an uprising against the military regime.[405] In January 2013, the military regime introduced regulations that essentially de-registered the party.[406][407]

Pan-national

European Union

The development of an pan-European identity among far-right members of the European parliament has been claimed.[408]

Islamic extremism

Some Islamic extremists view Islam superior to all other ideologies and non-Muslims as inferior.[409] Some Islamic extremism can be seen as far-right,[208] and can have some social acceptance in some countries.[228] Dhimmi refers to the inferior status of non-Muslims in some historic Islamic states.[410]

Online

A number of far-right internet pages and forums are focused on and frequented by the far right. These include Stormfront and Iron March.

Far-right internet movements gained popularity and notoriety online in 2012, and this has not stopped.[411] In the United States, they gained many followers during the 2016 presidential election, the time after the election during Obama's last months in office in 2016, and in 2017.[411]

Stormfront

Stormfront is the oldest and most prominent neo-Nazi website,[412] described by the Southern Poverty Law Center and other media organizations as the "murder capital of the internet".[413] In August 2017, Stormfront was taken offline for just over a month when its registrar seized its domain name due to complaints that it promoted hatred and that some of its members were linked to murder. The Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law claimed credit for the action after advocating for Stormfront's web host, Network Solutions, to enforce its Terms of Service agreement which prohibits users from using its services to incite violence.[414]

Iron March

Iron March was a fascist web forum founded in 2011 by Russian nationalist Alexander "Slavros" Mukhitdinov. An unknown individual uploaded a database of Iron March users to the Internet Archive in November 2019 and multiple neo-Nazi users were identified, including an ICE detention center captain and several active members of the United States Armed Forces.[415][416] As of mid 2018, the Southern Poverty Law Center linked Iron March to nearly 100 murders.[417][415] Mukhitdinov remained a murky figure at the time of the leaks.[418]

Terrorgram

The Terrorgram community on Telegram is a network of Telegram channels and accounts that subscribe to and promote militant accelerationism. Terrorgram channels are neofascist in ideology, and regularly share instructions and manuals on how to carry out acts of racially-motivated violence and anti-government, anti-authority terrorism.[419] In 2021, the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD), an international think-tank, exposed more than two hundred neo-Nazi pro-terrorism telegram channels that make up the Terrorgram network, many of which contained instructions to build weapons and bombs.[420][421][422]

Right-wing terrorism

The 1980 Bologna massacre by Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari

Right-wing terrorism is terrorism motivated by a variety of far right ideologies and beliefs, including anti-communism, neo-fascism, neo-Nazism, racism, xenophobia and opposition to immigration. This type of terrorism has been sporadic, with little or no international cooperation.[423] Modern right-wing terrorism first appeared in western Europe in the 1980s and it first appeared in Eastern Europe following the dissolution of the Soviet Union.[424]

Right-wing terrorists aim to overthrow governments and replace them with nationalist or fascist-oriented governments.[423] The core of this movement includes neo-fascist skinheads, far-right hooligans, youth sympathisers and intellectual guides who believe that the state must rid itself of foreign elements in order to protect rightful citizens.[424] However, they usually lack a rigid ideology.[424]

According to Cas Mudde, far-right terrorism and violence in the West have been generally perpetrated in recent times by individuals or groups of individuals "who have at best a peripheral association" with politically relevant organizations of the far right. Nevertheless, Mudde follows, "in recent years far-right violence has become more planned, regular, and lethal, as terrorists attacks in Christchurch (2019), Pittsburgh (2018), and Norway (2011) show."[28]

See also

References

  1. ^ Other names: Nationalism: Anti-communism: Nativism and authoritarianism:
  2. ^ Ethnic persecution, forced assimilation, cleansing, etc.: Traditional social institutions:
  3. ^ Fascism and Nazism:
    • "Historical Exhibition Presented by the German Bundestag" (PDF). Administration of the German Bundestag, Research Section. March 2006. Archived (PDF) from the original on 7 November 2018. Retrieved 29 January 2016.
    Alt-right, white supremacy: Ultranationalist, racist, homophobic, xenophobic etc.:
  4. ^ Ethnic persecution, forced assimilation, cleansing, etc. (Golder 2016)(Hilliard & Keith 1999, p. 38)
  5. ^ a b c Camus & Lebourg 2017, p. 22.
  6. ^ a b Camus & Lebourg 2017, p. 21.
  7. ^ a b c Bar-On 2016, p. xiii.
  8. ^ Bryant, Jesse Callahan; Farrell, Justin (2024). "Conservatism, the Far Right, and the Environment". Annual Review of Sociology. 50: 273–296. doi:10.1146/annurev-soc-083023-035225.
  9. ^ Mudde, Cas. "The Extreme Right Party Family: An Ideological Approach" (PhD diss., Leiden University, 1998).
  10. ^ Camus & Lebourg 2017, pp. 44–45.
  11. ^ Carlisle 2005, p. 694.
  12. ^ a b c d e Kopeček, Lubomír (2007). "The Far Right in Europe". Středoevropské politické studie. IX (4). International Institute of Political Science, Masaryk University in Brno: 280–293. Archived from the original on 7 February 2021. Retrieved 21 December 2020 – via Central and Eastern European Online Library.
  13. ^ Hilliard & Keith 1999, p. 43.
  14. ^ Woshinsky 2008, pp. 154–155.
  15. ^ Widfeldt, Anders, "A fourth phase of the extreme right? Nordic immigration-critical parties in a comparative context". In: NORDEUROPAforum (2010:1/2), 7–31, Edoc.hu Archived 24 February 2021 at the Wayback Machine
  16. ^ Art, David (2011). Inside the Radical Right : the Development of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europe. New York: Cambridge University Press. pp. 10–29. ISBN 978-1-139-07710-1. OCLC 727944932. Archived from the original on 25 August 2022. Retrieved 15 August 2022.
  17. ^ a b Mudde 2002, p. 13.
  18. ^ Kuligowski, Piotr; Moll, Łukasz; Szadkowski, Krystian (2019). "Anti-Communisms: Discourses of Exclusion". Praktyka Teoretyczna. 1 (31). Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań: 7–13. Archived from the original on 25 January 2021. Retrieved 21 December 2020 – via Central and Eastern European Online Library.
  19. ^ Miller-Idriss, Cynthia (2020). Hate in the Homeland: The New Global Far Right. Princeton University Press. p. 18. ISBN 978-0-691-20589-2.
  20. ^ a b c Camus & Lebourg 2017, pp. 1–2.
  21. ^ Mudde 2002, p. 10.
  22. ^ Mudde 2002, p. 12.
  23. ^ Mudde 2019, p. 12: "The extreme right rejects the essence of democracy, that is, popular sovereignty and majority rule. The most infamous example of the extreme right is fascism, which brought to power German Führer Adolf Hitler and Italian Duce Benito Mussolini, and was responsible for the most destructive war in world history. The radical right accepts the essence of democracy, but opposes fundamental elements of liberal democracy, most notably minority rights, rule of law, and separation of powers. Both subgroups oppose the postwar liberal democratic consensus, but in fundamentally different ways. While the extreme right is revolutionary, the radical right is more reformist. In essence, the radical right trusts the power of the people, the extreme right does not."
  24. ^ Bobbio, Norberto (1997). Left and Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction. Translated by Cameron, Allan. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226062465.
  25. ^ Mudde 2019, p. 11.
  26. ^ Woshinsky 2008, p. 156.
  27. ^ Baker, Peter (28 May 2016). "Rise of Donald Trump Tracks Growing Debate Over Global Fascism". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 11 March 2021. Retrieved 7 June 2016.
  28. ^ a b Mudde 2019, p. [page needed].
  29. ^ Sedgwick 2019, p. xiii.
  30. ^ William Safire. Safire's Political Dictionary. Oxford, England, UK: Oxford University Press, 2008. p. 385.
  31. ^ Berlet, Chip; Lyons, Matthew N. (2000). Right-Wing Populism in America: Too Close for Comfort. New York: Guilford Press. p. 342.
  32. ^ Filipović, Miroslava; Đorić, Marija (2010). "The Left or the Right: Old Paradigms and New Governments". Serbian Political Thought. 2 (1–2): 121–144. doi:10.22182/spt.2122011.8.
  33. ^ Pavlopoulos, Vassilis (20 March 2014). Politics, economics, and the far right in Europe: a social psychological perspective. The Challenge of the Extreme Right in Europe: Past, Present, Future. Birkbeck: University of London.
  34. ^ Choat, Simon (12 May 2017) "'Horseshoe theory' is nonsense – the far right and far left have little in common" Archived 19 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine. The Conversation. Retrieved 10 June 2020.
  35. ^ Rydgren 2007, pp. 241–263.
  36. ^ Rydgren 2007, p. 247.
  37. ^ Bornschier, Simon (2010). Cleavage politics and the populist right the new cultural conflict in Western Europe. Temple University Press. OCLC 748925475.
  38. ^ Merkel, P. and Weinberg, L. (2004) Right-wing Extremism in the Twenty-first Century, Frank Cass Publishers: London, pp. 52–53
  39. ^ Art, David (2011). Inside the Radical Right. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49883-8.
  40. ^ Allen, Trevor J. (8 July 2015). "All in the party family? Comparing far right voters in Western and Post-Communist Europe". Party Politics. 23 (3): 274–285. doi:10.1177/1354068815593457. ISSN 1354-0688. S2CID 147793242.
  41. ^ Beiner 2018, p. 11.
  42. ^ Beiner 2018, p. 8: "It’s not an accident that the most virulent enemies of modern liberalism and modern democracy—such as Joseph de Maistre in the early nineteenth century and Nietzsche in the late nineteenth century—directed their most intense polemical energies against the French Revolution."
  43. ^ Beiner 2018, p. 14.
  44. ^ "Trotsky...maintained during the period of Hitler's rise to power so persistent and, for the most part, so prescient a commentary on the course of events in Germany as to deserve record".Carr, Edward Hallett (1986). The twilight of Comintern 1930–1935. Macmillan. p. 433. ISBN 978-0-333-40455-3.
  45. ^ Ticktin, Hillel (1992). Trotsky's political economy of capitalism. Brotherstone, Terence; Dukes, Paul,(eds). Edinburgh University Press. p. 227. ISBN 978-0-7486-0317-6.
  46. ^ a b Bar-On, Tamir (7 December 2011), Backes, Uwe; Moreau, Patrick (eds.), "Intellectual Right – Wing Extremism – Alain de Benoist's Mazeway Resynthesis since 2000", The Extreme Right in Europe, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, pp. 333–358, doi:10.13109/9783666369223.333, ISBN 978-3-525-36922-7
  47. ^ Woods, Roger (25 March 1996). The Conservative Revolution in the Weimar Republic. Springer. pp. 1–2. ISBN 978-0-230-37585-7.
  48. ^ a b François, Stéphane (24 August 2009). "Qu'est ce que la Révolution Conservatrice ?". Fragments sur les Temps Présents (in French). Archived from the original on 13 November 2013. Retrieved 23 July 2019.
  49. ^ a b Camus & Lebourg 2017, pp. 7–8.
  50. ^ a b Camus & Lebourg 2017, pp. 9–10.
  51. ^ Camus & Lebourg 2017, pp. 11–12.
  52. ^ Dupeux, Louis (1994). "La nouvelle droite " révolutionnaire-conservatrice " et son influence sous la république de Weimar". Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine. 41 (3): 474–475. doi:10.3406/rhmc.1994.1732.
  53. ^ a b Camus & Lebourg 2017, pp. 16–18.
  54. ^ Stern, Fritz R. (1974). The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of the Germanic Ideology. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-02643-8.
  55. ^ Camus & Lebourg 2017, p. 19.
  56. ^ a b c d Sedgwick 2019.
  57. ^ Desbuissons, Ghislaine (1990). "Maurice Bardèche, écrivain et théoricien fasciste?". Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine (in French). 37 (1): 148–159. doi:10.3406/rhmc.1990.1531. ISSN 0048-8003. JSTOR 20529642.
  58. ^ Teitelbaum, Benjamin R. (2020). War for Eternity: The Return of Traditionalism and the Rise of the Populist Right. Penguin Books Limited. pp. 2–3, 11, 58. ISBN 978-0-14-199204-4.
  59. ^ a b c d e The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right. Oxford University Press. 2018. pp. 394–411. ISBN 978-0-19-027455-9.
  60. ^ Bingham, John. "Defining French Fascism, Finding Fascists in France". Canadian Journal of History, Dec. 1994.
  61. ^ Payne, Stanley G. "Fascist Italy and Spain, 1922–1945". Spain and the Mediterranean Since 1898, Raanan Rein, ed. p. 105. London, 1999
  62. ^ a b c d The rise of the far right: Building a trade union response. London: Trades Union Congress. 2020. pp. 25–36.
  63. ^ Nemtsova, Anna (24 April 2017). "Russia's Alt-Right Rasputin Says He's Steve Bannon's Ideological Soul Mate". The Daily Beast. Archived from the original on 8 October 2022. Retrieved 6 October 2022.
  64. ^ a b "The Worrying Rise of Spain's Far Right". Jacobin. 28 April 2019. Archived from the original on 30 June 2022. Retrieved 6 October 2022.
  65. ^ Carvajal, Álvaro (27 December 2020). "Vox abre otro frente de disputa con el PP en Latinoamérica". El Mundo (in Spanish). p. 14. Archived from the original on 22 August 2022. Retrieved 7 December 2021.
  66. ^ González, Miguel; Galarraga Gortázar, Naiara; Rivas Molina, Federico (18 October 2021). "Vox teje una alianza anticomunista en América Latina". El País (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 3 October 2022. Retrieved 7 December 2021.
  67. ^ "La última cruzada de Vox: combatir el comunismo en Iberoamérica". ABC (in Spanish). 26 September 2021. Archived from the original on 28 September 2021. Retrieved 7 December 2021.
  68. ^ Mitralias, Yorgos (5 October 2022). "Towards the Brown International of the European and global far right?". Committee for the Abolition of Illegitimate Debt. Archived from the original on 8 October 2022. Retrieved 5 October 2022.
  69. ^ "Las instrucciones que recibe Kast desde España | Resumen.cl". resumen.cl (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 6 October 2022. Retrieved 6 October 2022.
  70. ^ "A Hateful Sort of Love". The New Yorker. 5 October 2022. Archived from the original on 12 July 2022. Retrieved 6 October 2022.
  71. ^ "Europe's far right flocks to Russia International conservative forum held in St. Petersburg". Meduza. 5 October 2022. Archived from the original on 16 August 2022. Retrieved 6 October 2022.
  72. ^ "Europe far-right parties meet in St Petersburg, Russia". BBC. 5 October 2022. Archived from the original on 31 August 2022. Retrieved 6 October 2022.
  73. ^ "Right-Wing Groups Find a Haven, for a Day, in Russia". New York Times. 5 October 2022. Archived from the original on 16 June 2022. Retrieved 6 October 2022.
  74. ^ "Washington's Defunct Atomwaffen Division had Deep Ties to the Terrorist Org, Russia Imperialist Movement". Malcontent News. 6 August 2022. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 6 October 2022. In 2015 while in St. Petersburg, [Russell] met with Taylor of American Renaissance and the leaders of the Nordic Resistance Movement of Sweden, the National Action group of Germany, CasPound of Italy, and Golden Dawn of Greece.
  75. ^ "Inside The Russian Imperial Movement Practical Implications Of U.s. Sanctions" (PDF). Soufan Center. 23 November 2024. In March 2015, several well-known American white supremacists, including Jared Taylor, spoke at the International Russian Conservative Forum in St. Petersburg. The event was organized by the Rodina party and heavily attended by RIM.
  76. ^ [70][71][72][73][74][75]
  77. ^ Moreno-Almeida, Cristina; Gerbaudo, Paolo (2021). "Memes and the Moroccan Far-Right". The International Journal of Press/Politics. 26 (4): 882–906. doi:10.1177/1940161221995083. ISSN 1940-1612.
  78. ^ a b Saha, Santosh C, ed. (2008). Ethnicity and sociopolitical change in Africa and other developing countries: a constructive discourse in state building (first ed.). Lexington Books. p. 92. ISBN 978-0-7391-2332-4.
  79. ^ Aspegren, Lennart (2006). "Never again?: Rwanda and the World". Human Rights Law: From Dissemination to Application – Essays in Honour of Göran Melander. The Raoul Wallenberg Institute human rights library. Vol. 26. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 173. ISBN 9004151818.
  80. ^ Des Forges, Alison (March 1999). Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda – History → The Army, the Church and the Akazu. New York: Human Rights Watch. ISBN 1-56432-171-1. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 3 June 2020.
  81. ^ "MICT-13-38". United Nations International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals. 11 November 2013. Archived from the original on 26 November 2020. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  82. ^ "Mechanism fugitive Félicien Kabuga arrested today" (Press release). International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals. 16 May 2020. Archived from the original on 25 November 2020.
  83. ^ Reyntjens, Filip (21 October 2014). "Rwanda's Untold Story. A reply to "38 scholars, scientists, researchers, journalists and historians"". African Arguments. Archived from the original on 25 July 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2020.
  84. ^ Des Forges, Alison (1999). Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda – The Organization → The Militia. New York: Human Rights Watch. ISBN 1-56432-171-1. Archived from the original on 7 March 2021. Retrieved 3 June 2020.
  85. ^ "Rwanda genocide of 1994". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. p. 3. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 3 June 2020.
  86. ^ "The End of Apartheid". Archive: Information released online prior to January 20, 2009. United States Department of State. 2009. Archived from the original on 5 February 2009. Retrieved 5 February 2009.
  87. ^ "The prohibition of the African National Congress, the Pan-Africanist Congress, the South African Communist Party and a number of subsidiary organizations is being rescinded". www.cvet.org.za. CVET – Community Video Education Trust. 2 February 1990. Archived from the original on 15 August 2016. Retrieved 12 June 2020. Organizations: Nationalist Party
  88. ^ "National Party". 30 March 2011. Archived from the original on 17 June 2012. Retrieved 12 June 2020.
  89. ^ Brotz, Howard (1977). The Politics of South Africa: Democracy and Racial Diversity. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-19-215671-6.
  90. ^ Du Toit, Brian M. (1991). "The Far Right in Current South African Politics". The Journal of Modern African Studies. 29 (4). Cambridge University Press: 627–667. doi:10.1017/S0022278X00005693. ISSN 1469-7777. JSTOR 161141. S2CID 154640869.
  91. ^ Turpin-Petrosino, Carolyn (2013). The Beast Reawakens: Fascism's Resurgence from Hitler's Spymasters to Today's Neo-Nazi Groups and Right-Wing Extremists. Taylor and Francis. ISBN 978-1-134-01424-8. There are hate groups in South Africa. Perhaps among the most organized is the Afrikaner Resistance Movement or AWB (Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging). Included in its ideological platform are neo-Nazism and White supremacy.
  92. ^ Robyn Curnow; Nkepile Mabuse (5 April 2010). "South Africa's neo-Nazis drop revenge vow". CNN. Archived from the original on 6 February 2016. Retrieved 23 June 2020.
  93. ^ Clark, Nancy; Worger, William (2013). South Africa: The Rise and Fall of Apartheid. Routledge. p. xx. ISBN 978-1-317-86165-2. Terre'Blanche, Eugene (1941–2010): Began career in the South African police. In 1973 founded the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging as a Nazi-inspired militant right-wing movement upholding white supremacy.
  94. ^ "Amnesty decision". Truth and Reconciliation Commission. 1999. Archived from the original on 23 March 2008. Retrieved 22 April 2007.
  95. ^ "Togo profile". BBC News. 11 July 2011. Archived from the original on 13 October 2019. Retrieved 11 January 2013.
  96. ^ "Togo : le RPT est mort, que vive l'Unir" (in French). Radio France Internationale. 15 April 2012. Archived from the original on 6 March 2016. Retrieved 28 April 2012.
  97. ^ Yvette Attiogbé (14 April 2012). "The Dissolution of the RPT – It is Official". togo-online.co.uk. Archived from the original on 9 August 2013. Retrieved 28 April 2012.
  98. ^ Folly Mozolla (15 April 2012). "Faure Gnassingbé has created his party Union pour la République (UNIR) in Atakpamé". togo-online.co.uk. Archived from the original on 7 August 2013. Retrieved 28 April 2012.
  99. ^ "2010 Human Rights Report: Togo". US Department of State. Archived from the original on 17 October 2019. Retrieved 11 January 2013.
  100. ^ Benzaquém de Araújo, Ricardo (1988). Totalitarismo e Revolução: o Integralismo de Plínio Salgado. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor. pp. 30–33, 46–48. ISBN 8585061839.
  101. ^ René E. Gertz (June 1996). "Influencia política alemã no Brasil na década DE 1930". Estudios Interdisciplinarios de America Latina y el Caribe (E.I.A.L). 7 (1). Archived from the original on 4 June 2011. Retrieved 19 September 2011.
  102. ^ Marcelo Carneiro (14 November 2001). "Heil, Hitler – Novos documentos contam a história do Partido Nazista no Brasil de Vargas". VEJA. Archived from the original on 18 March 2009.
  103. ^ Dietrich, Ana Maria (2007). Nazismo tropical? O partido Nazista no Brasil. Teses.usp.br (Thesis). Universidade de São Paulo. doi:10.11606/T.8.2007.tde-10072007-113709. Archived from the original on 28 August 2010. Retrieved 28 February 2017.
  104. ^ "Extrema Direita E Questão Nacional: o nazismo no Brasil dos anos 30" (PDF). 4 March 2009. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 March 2009.
  105. ^ "Josef Mengele". United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. 2009. Archived from the original on 5 December 2018. Retrieved 22 August 2019.
  106. ^ "Fascist? Populist? Debate Over Describing Brazil's Bolsonaro". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 25 October 2018. Retrieved 5 June 2020.
  107. ^ Amaral, Luciana (12 November 2019). "Bolsonaro anuncia saída do PSL e confirma novo partido: Aliança pelo Brasil" (in Portuguese). Uol. Archived from the original on 27 February 2021. Retrieved 13 November 2019.
  108. ^ Nolasco, Thiago (12 November 2019). "Bolsonaro anuncia saída do PSL e criança do Aliança pelo Brasil" (in Portuguese). R7. Archived from the original on 12 November 2019. Retrieved 13 November 2019.
  109. ^ Mazui, Guilherme; Rodrigues, Paloma (12 November 2019). "Bolsonaro anuncia saída do PSL e criação de novo partido" (in Portuguese). G1. Archived from the original on 25 February 2021. Retrieved 13 November 2019.
  110. ^ Far-right Bolsonaro:
  111. ^ a b Forsythe, David P (2009). Encyclopedia of Human Rights, Volume 1. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. p. 344. ISBN 978-0-19-533402-9. Retrieved 17 June 2020. The far-right National Liberation Movement (MLN), led by Mario Sandoval Alarcon, became an important political player; after 1969 it was responsible for the first death-squad killings of activists and regime opponents.
  112. ^ a b Bartrop, Paul R.; Leonard Jacobs, Steven (2014). Modern Genocide: The Definitive Resource and Document Collection. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. p. 970. ISBN 978-1-61069-364-6.
  113. ^ a b Levenson-Estrada, Deborah (Winter 2003). "The Life That Makes Us Die/The Death That Makes Us Live: Facing Terrorism in Guatemala City". Radical History Review. 2003 (85): 94–104. doi:10.1215/01636545-2003-85-94. S2CID 143353418.
  114. ^ a b Bonpane, Blase (2000). Guerrillas of Peace: Liberation Theology and the Central American Revolution. iUniverse. pp. 30–50. ISBN 978-0-595-00418-8.
  115. ^ Rothenburg, David, ed. (2012). Memory of Silence: The Guatemalan Truth Commission Report. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 112–113. ISBN 978-1-137-01114-5.[permanent dead link]
  116. ^ a b c Grandin, Greg; Klein, Naomi (2011). The Last Colonial Massacre: Latin America in the Cold War. University of Chicago Press. pp. 87–89. ISBN 978-0-226-30690-2.
  117. ^ Batz, Giovanni (2013). "Military Factionalism and the Consolidation of Power in 1960s Guatemala". In Garrard-Burnett, Virginia; Lawrence, Mark Atwood; Moreno, Julia E. (eds.). Beyond the Eagle's Shadow: New Histories of Latin America's Cold War. University of New Mexico Press. pp. 64–65. ISBN 978-0-8263-5369-6.
  118. ^ Janda, Kenneth (1980). "Guatemala: The Party System in 1950–1954 and 1953–1962". Political Parties: A Cross-National Survey. New York: The Free Press. pp. 635–636. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007 – via janda.org.
  119. ^ Blum, William (2003). Killing Hope: US Military and CIA interventions since World War II. Zed Books. pp. 233–234. ISBN 978-1-84277-369-7.
  120. ^ Theroux, Paul (2014). The Old Patagonian Express. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. pp. 100–103. ISBN 978-0-547-52400-9.
  121. ^ Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism: 1914–1945, London: Routledge, 2001, p. 341
  122. ^ Garay, Cristián. 1990. El Partido Agrario Laborista. 1945–1958. Editorial Andrés Bello. Santiago. OCLC 25534586 ISBN 956-13-0889-3 (pp. 133–135)
  123. ^ a b c d Levenda, Peter (2002). Unholy Alliance: A History of Nazi Involvement in the Occult. London: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 0-8264-1409-5.
  124. ^ Leal, Rene (2020). "The Rise of Fascist Formations in Chile and in the World". Social Sciences. 9 (12): 230. doi:10.3390/socsci9120230. the 'West' and the 'Rest', considering the hegemony of neoliberalism in current global capitalism and the relevance of its ideology in the emergence of the far right. Among the 'Rest' who live in Latin America, and in particular in Chile, fascism is no stranger: Chile was a battlefield falling to the dictatorship of the far-right Pinochet regime
  125. ^ McCarthy, Julie (14 September 2006). "A Dictator's Legacy of Economic Growth". NPR. Archived from the original on 20 September 2020. Retrieved 16 December 2021.
  126. ^ Falconer, Bruce (1 September 2008). "The Torture Colony". The American Scholar. Archived from the original on 8 October 2021. Retrieved 10 May 2019.
  127. ^ a b Infield, Glenn, Secrets of the SS, 1981, p. 206.
  128. ^ Staff writers (30 March 2005). "Michael Townley fue interrogado por muerte de Frei Montalva". Radio Cooperativa (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 29 July 2012. Retrieved 21 April 2016.
  129. ^ Hunter, Wendy (1997). "Continuity or Change? Civil-Military Relations in Democratic Argentina, Chile, and Peru". Political Science Quarterly. 112 (3). Academy of Political Science: 458. doi:10.2307/2657566. JSTOR 2657566. Rather than moving toward the center, they were motivated by the imperatives of Chile's binomial electoral system, which induces parties to form coalitions, to ally with the far right Union Democratica Independiente (UDI)
  130. ^ Bresnahan, Rosalind (November 2003). "The Media and the Neoliberal Transition in Chile: Democratic Promise Unfulfilled". Latin American Perspectives. 30 (6). SAGE Publishing: 45. doi:10.1177/0095399703256257. S2CID 145784920. the far right party the Unión Democrática Independiente (Independent Democratic UDI)
  131. ^ Blofield, Merike H.; Haas, Liesl (2005). "Defining a Democracy: Reforming the Laws on Women's Rights in Chile, 1990–2002". Latin American Politics and Society. 47 (3). Cambridge University Press: 42. The far-right Independent Democratic Union (UDI) forms an ... electoral alliance with ... National Renovation (RN)
  132. ^ McGowan, Charis. "Women in Chile voice fears over far-right presidential candidate". Al Jazeera. Archived from the original on 16 December 2021. Retrieved 16 December 2021.
  133. ^ "El Partido Republicano: el proyecto populista de la derecha radical chilena". Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política. 30 (1): 105–134. June 2021. In their ideological core, the radical populist rights are composed of the combination of three traits: nativism, authoritarianism and populism. ... This recap allows to identify dimensions of analysis applicable to the Republican Party.
  134. ^ Funk, Robert L (26 October 2021). "The Rise of José Antonio Kast in Chile". Americas Quarterly. Archived from the original on 6 December 2021. Retrieved 24 November 2021.
  135. ^ "Far-right populist, ex-protest leader set for runoff vote in Chile's presidential election". The Guardian. 21 November 2021. Archived from the original on 16 December 2021. Retrieved 24 November 2021.
  136. ^ "Chile's Bolsonaro? Hard-right Kast rises, targeting 'crime and violence'". Reuters. 22 November 2021. Archived from the original on 9 December 2021. Retrieved 16 December 2021.
  137. ^ Dávila, Mireya (January 2020). "La reemergencia del pinochetismo". Barómetro de política y equidad. 16: 49–69. Archived from the original on 25 November 2021. Retrieved 16 December 2021.
  138. ^ Bonner, Raymond, Weakness and Deceit:: U.S. Policy and El Salvador, New York Times Books, 1984, p. 330
  139. ^ Arnson, Cynthia J. "Window on the Past: A Declassified History of Death Squads in El Salvador" in Death Squads in Global Perspective: Murder with Deniability, Campbell and Brenner, eds, 88
  140. ^ "El Salvador Death Squads Still Operating". Banderasnews.com. Archived from the original on 29 September 2011. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
  141. ^ "When a wave of torture and murder staggered a small U.S. ally, truth was a casualty. –". The Baltimore Sun. 11 June 1995. Archived from the original on 30 September 2007. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
  142. ^ "U.S. continues to train Honduran soldiers". Republic Broadcasting Network. 21 July 2009. Archived from the original on 23 July 2011. Retrieved 3 August 2009.
  143. ^ Imerman, Vicky; Heather Dean (2009). "Notorious Honduran School of the Americas Graduates". Derechos Human Rights. Archived from the original on 4 December 2008. Retrieved 3 August 2009.
  144. ^ a b Holland, Clifton L. (June 2006). "Honduras – Human Rights Workers Denounce Battalion 3–16 Participation in Zelaya Government" (PDF). Mesoamérica Institute for Central American Studies. Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 July 2011. Retrieved 3 August 2009.
  145. ^ Hodge, James; Linda Cooper (14 July 2009). "U.S. continues to train Honduran soldiers". National Catholic Reporter. Archived from the original on 1 August 2009. Retrieved 5 August 2009.
  146. ^ "Comunicado" (in Spanish). COFADEH. 3 July 2009. Archived from the original on 27 February 2021. Retrieved 5 August 2009.
  147. ^ a b Goodman, Amy (31 July 2009). "Zelaya Speaks". Z Communications. Archived from the original on 24 December 2013. Retrieved 1 August 2009.
  148. ^ Comité de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos en Honduras (February 2007). "Hnd – Solicitan al Presidente Zelaya la destitución de integrantes del Batallón 3–16 nombrados en el Ministerio del Interior". Nizkor. Archived from the original on 24 September 2009. Retrieved 7 August 2009.
  149. ^ Leiva, Noe (2 August 2009). "No se avizora el fin de la crisis hondureña". El Nuevo Herald/AFP. Archived from the original on 5 August 2009. Retrieved 7 August 2009.
  150. ^ Mejía, Lilian; Mauricio Pérez; Carlos Girón (18 July 2009). "Pobladores Exigen Nueva Ley De Minería: 71 Detenidos Y 12 Heridos En Batalla Campal" (in Spanish). MAC: Mines and Communities. Archived from the original on 17 September 2009. Retrieved 7 August 2009.
  151. ^ Hammett, Brian (1999). A Concise History of Mexico.
  152. ^ Smith, Benjamin T. (2009). Pistoleros and Popular Movements: The Politics of State Formation in Postrevolutionary Oaxaca. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. p. 289. ISBN 978-0-8032-2280-9.
  153. ^ Rospigliosi, Fernando (1996). Las Fuerzas Armadas y el 5 de abril: la percepción de la amenaza subversiva como una motivación golpista. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. pp. 46–47.
  154. ^ Gaussens, Pierre (2020). "The forced serilization of indigenous population in Mexico in the 1990s". Canadian Journal of Bioethics. 3 (3): 180+. doi:10.7202/1073797ar. S2CID 234586692. a government plan, developed by the Peruvian army between 1989 and 1990s to deal with the Shining Path insurrection, later known as the 'Green Plan', whose (unpublished) text expresses in explicit terms a genocidal intention
  155. ^ Burt, Jo-Marie (September–October 1998). "Unsettled accounts: militarization and memory in postwar Peru". NACLA Report on the Americas. 32 (2). Taylor & Francis: 35–41. doi:10.1080/10714839.1998.11725657. the military's growing frustration over the limitations placed upon its counterinsurgency operations by democratic institutions, coupled with the growing inability of civilian politicians to deal with the spiraling economic crisis and the expansion of the Shining Path, prompted a group of military officers to devise a coup plan in the late 1980s. The plan called for the dissolution of Peru's civilian government, military control over the state, and total elimination of armed opposition groups. The plan, developed in a series of documents known as the "Plan Verde," outlined a strategy for carrying out a military coup in which the armed forces would govern for 15 to 20 years and radically restructure state-society relations along neoliberal lines.
  156. ^ a b c Avilés, William (Spring 2009). "Despite Insurgency: Reducing Military Prerogatives in Colombia and Peru". Latin American Politics and Society. 51 (1). Cambridge University Press: 57–85. doi:10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00040.x. S2CID 154153310.
  157. ^ Rospigliosi, Fernando (1996). Las Fuerzas Armadas y el 5 de abril: la percepción de la amenaza subversiva como una motivación golpista. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. pp. 28–40.
  158. ^ Rendón, Silvio (2013). La intervención de los Estados Unidos en el Perú. Editorial Sur. pp. 145–150. ISBN 978-6124574139.
  159. ^ a b Alfredo Schulte-Bockholt (2006). "Chapter 5: Elites, Cocaine, and Power in Colombia and Peru". The politics of organized crime and the organized crime of politics: a study in criminal power. Lexington Books. pp. 114–118. ISBN 978-0-7391-1358-5. important members of the officer corps, particularly within the army, had been contemplating a military coup and the establishment of an authoritarian regime, or a so-called directed democracy. The project was known as 'Plan Verde', the Green Plan. ... Fujimori essentially adopted the 'Plan Verde,' and the military became a partner in the regime. ... The autogolpe, or self-coup, of April 5, 1992, dissolved the Congress and the country's constitution and allowed for the implementation of the most important components of the 'Plan Verde.'
  160. ^ Asensio, Raúl; Camacho, Gabriela; González, Natalia; Grompone, Romeo; Pajuelo Teves, Ramón; Peña Jimenez, Omayra; Moscoso, Macarena; Vásquez, Yerel; Sosa Villagarcia, Paolo (2021). El Profe: Cómo Pedro Castillo se convirtió en presidente del Perú y qué pasará a continuación (in Spanish) (1 ed.). Lima: Institute of Peruvian Studies. pp. 13–24. ISBN 978-6123260842. Archived from the original on 5 November 2022. Retrieved 17 November 2021. Fujimorism was an unprecedented authoritarian political regime
  161. ^ Quijano, Aníbal (1995). "Fujimorism and Peru". Socialism and Democracy. 9 (2): 45–63. doi:10.1080/08854309508428165.
  162. ^ Martínez, José Honorio (15 June 2009). "Neoliberalismo y genocidio en el régimen fujimorista". Historia Actual Online. 9.
  163. ^ Villalba, Fernando Velásquez (2022). "A Totalidade Neoliberal-Fujimorista: Estigmatização e Colonialidade No Peru Contemporâneo". Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais. 37 (109): e3710906. doi:10.1590/3710906/2022. S2CID 251877338. Fujimorism has hegemonic characteristics in Peru. This means that, although it has not governed since November 2000, its political practice is still in force, to the extent that the structures that Alberto Fujimori created have been partially updated or have not been updated in the last two decades. This context, let's call it structural, creates scenarios in which the democratization process faces institutional challenges
  164. ^ "¿Tiene futuro nuestra extrema derecha?". La Republica (in Spanish). 11 January 2020. Archived from the original on 15 June 2021. Retrieved 26 December 2021.
  165. ^ "Tribunal peruano ordena liberar a Keiko Fujimori". Radio France Internationale. 1 May 2020. Archived from the original on 10 June 2021. Retrieved 26 December 2021.
  166. ^ Jiménez, Beatriz (14 April 2011). "El voto de Keiko | elmundo.es". El Mundo. Archived from the original on 14 June 2021. Retrieved 26 December 2021.
  167. ^ "Candidato de la ultraderecha peruana es acusado de golpista por sus oponentes". EFE (in Spanish). 8 March 2021. Archived from the original on 12 May 2021. Retrieved 12 March 2021.
  168. ^ "Campaña sin favoritos eleva incertidumbre en Perú a un mes de las presidenciales". France 24. 11 March 2021. Archived from the original on 26 December 2021. Retrieved 12 March 2021.
  169. ^ Cavero, Natalia Puertas (10 March 2021). "'Uncle Porky,' the conservative, right-wing businessman is second in Peruvian election polls". Al Día. Archived from the original on 10 December 2021. Retrieved 12 March 2021.
  170. ^ "Extreme Right Rises In Peruvian Politics". Latin American Herald Tribune. Archived from the original on 10 June 2021. Retrieved 12 March 2021.
  171. ^ "Candidato ultraconservador peruano pide destituir al presidente Sagasti". Noticieros Televisa (in Mexican Spanish). 9 March 2021. Archived from the original on 10 March 2021. Retrieved 12 March 2021.
  172. ^ Aquino, Marco (18 March 2021). "Peru's Bolsonaro? The Opus Dei ultra-conservative who would kick out Odebrecht". National Post. Reuters. Archived from the original on 27 December 2021. Retrieved 18 March 2021.
  173. ^  • "Peru's Castillo will struggle to stay in office". Oxford Analytica. Emerald Expert Briefings. oxan–db (oxan–db). 11 August 2022. doi:10.1108/OXAN-DB272027. Archived from the original on 29 October 2023. Retrieved 11 June 2023. The far-right parties in Congress -- Renovacion Popular (Popular Renewal) and Avanza Pais (Forward Country)
  174. ^ Tegel, Simeon (27 March 2023). "Peru's First Female President Has Blood on Her Hands". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 6 June 2023. Retrieved 6 June 2023. social conservatism, which has been one of the few areas of common ground between Free Peru's presidential administrations and the hard-right congressional majority
  175. ^ "La extrema derecha emerge en la crispada coyuntura política de Perú". Público. 25 August 2021. Archived from the original on 21 May 2023. Retrieved 21 May 2023.
  176. ^ "'La Pestilencia' por dentro". IDL-Reporteros (in Spanish). 20 May 2023. Archived from the original on 21 May 2023. Retrieved 21 May 2023.
  177. ^ "Perú: ultraderechismo y pedidos de "vacancia" a poco de iniciar el Gobierno de Pedro Castillo". France 24. 5 November 2021. Archived from the original on 3 April 2023. Retrieved 21 May 2023.
  178. ^ a b c d e f g "Sectors of the U.S. Right Active in the Year 2011". The Public Eye. Political Research Associates. Archived from the original on 16 April 2004. Retrieved 9 September 2019.
  179. ^ a b
     • Zaitchik, Alexander (19 October 2006). "The National Socialist Movement Implodes". SPLCenter.org. Montgomery, Alabama: Southern Poverty Law Center. Archived from the original on 19 September 2015. Retrieved 28 December 2020. The party's problems began last June, when Citizens Against Hate discovered that NSM's Tulsa post office box was shared by The Joy of Satan Ministry, in which the wife of NSM chairman emeritus Clifford Herrington is High Priestess. [...] Within NSM ranks, meanwhile, a bitter debate was sparked over the propriety of Herrington's Joy of Satan connections. [...] Schoep moved ahead with damage-control operations by nudging chairman emeritus Herrington from his position under the cover of "attending to personal matters." But it was too late to stop NSM Minister of Radio and Information Michael Blevins, aka Vonbluvens, from following White out of the party, citing disgust with Herrington's Joy of Satan ties. "Satanism," declared Blevins in his resignation letter, "affects the whole prime directive guiding the [NSM] – SURVIVAL OF THE WHITE RACE." [...] NSM was now a Noticeably Smaller Movement, one trailed in extremist circles by a strong whiff of Satanism and related charges of sexual impropriety associated with Joy of Satan initiation rites and curiously strong teen recruitment efforts.
     • "National Socialist Movement". SPLCenter.org. Montgomery, Alabama: Southern Poverty Law Center. 2020. Archived from the original on 8 September 2015. Retrieved 28 December 2020. The NSM has had its share of movement scandal. In July 2006, it was rocked by revelations that co-founder and chairman emeritus Cliff Herrington's wife was the "High Priestess" of the Joy of Satan Ministry, and that her satanic church shared an address with the Tulsa, Okla., NSM chapter. The exposure of Herrington's wife's Satanist connections caused quite a stir, particularly among those NSM members who adhered to a racist (and heretical) variant of Christianity, Christian Identity. Before the dust settled, both Herringtons were forced out of NSM. Bill White, the neo-Nazi group's energetic spokesman, also quit, taking several NSM officials with him to create a new group, the American National Socialist Workers Party.
  180. ^ a b "The National Socialist Movement". Adl.org. New York: Anti-Defamation League. 2020. Archived from the original on 22 September 2017. Retrieved 28 December 2020.
  181. ^ a b Upchurch, H. E. (22 December 2021). Cruickshank, Paul; Hummel, Kristina (eds.). "The Iron March Forum and the Evolution of the "Skull Mask" Neo-Fascist Network" (PDF). CTC Sentinel. 14 (10). West Point, New York: Combating Terrorism Center: 27–37. Archived (PDF) from the original on 27 December 2021. Retrieved 19 January 2022. The skull mask network's ideology is a political-religious hybrid based in large part on the work of the philosopher Julius Evola. Evola mixed fascism with "Traditionalism," a syncretic 20th century religious movement that combines Hermetic occultism with the Hindu doctrine of cyclical time and a belief in a now-lost primordial European paganism. Adherents of this blend of doctrines, which can be termed "Traditionalist fascism" believe that a caste-based, racially pure "organic" society will be restored after what they believe to be an ongoing age of corruption, the Kali Yuga, is swept away in an apocalyptic war, and that it is their role to hasten the end of the Kali Yuga by generating chaos and violence.
  182. ^ Azani, Eitan; Koblenz-Stenzler, Liram; Atiyas-Lvovsky, Lorena; Ganor, Dan; Ben-Am, Arie; Meshulam, Delilah (2020). "The Development and Characterization of Far-Right Ideologies". The Far Right — Ideology, Modus Operandi and Development Trends. International Institute for Counter-Terrorism. pp. 13–36.
  183. ^ Lipset & Raab 1973, p. 116.
  184. ^ Lipset & Raab 1973, p. 125.
  185. ^ Feldman, Glenn (1999). "Chapter 9: Race over Rum, Romans, and Republicans". Politics, Society, and the Klan in Alabama, 1915–1949. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. pp. 160–192. ISBN 978-0-8173-8950-5. OCLC 40830038.
  186. ^ Cook, Brianne (2020) [2008]. "Watcher on the Tower and the Washington State Ku Klux Klan". depts.washington.edu. Seattle, Washington: Seattle Civil Rights and Labor History Project. Archived from the original on 22 November 2021. Retrieved 15 March 2022.
  187. ^ Morain, Tom (4 March 2020). "Iowa History Month: The history of the Ku Klux Klan in Iowa". The Des Moines Register. Des Moines, Iowa. Archived from the original on 24 March 2022. Retrieved 15 March 2022.
  188. ^ Lipset & Raab 1973, pp. 138–139.
  189. ^ Lipset & Raab 1973, p. 152.
  190. ^ Carlisle 2005, p. 588.
  191. ^ Carlisle 2005, p. 557.
  192. ^ "Examining the Sovereign Citizen Movement in the Obama Era". Politics & Policy. Archived from the original on 2 May 2014. Retrieved 2 May 2014.
  193. ^ "Sovereign Citizens: A Growing Domestic Threat to Law Enforcement". FBI. Archived from the original on 8 May 2020. Retrieved 16 March 2019.
  194. ^ Brown, Karina (10 May 2016). "Bundy Filing Shows Intent Behind Refuge Takeover". Pasadena, California. Courthouse News Service. Archived from the original on 12 May 2016. Retrieved 11 May 2016.
  195. ^ Casey, Lissa; Arnold, Michael (9 May 2016). "Defendant Ammon Bundy's Motion to Dismiss for Lack of Subject Matter Jurisdiction" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 27 February 2021. Retrieved 11 May 2016.
  196. ^ a b Cimino, Richard P. (December 2005). ""No God in Common": American Evangelical Discourse on Islam after 9/11". Review of Religious Research. 47 (2). Springer Verlag on behalf of the Religious Research Association: 162–174. doi:10.2307/3512048. ISSN 2211-4866. JSTOR 3512048. S2CID 143510803.
  197. ^ Hermansson, Patrik; Lawrence, David; Mulhall, Joe; Murdoch, Simon (2020). The International Alt-Right: Fascism for the 21st Century?. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-429-62709-5. Archived from the original on 25 July 2023. Retrieved 22 December 2020.
  198. ^ Bhatt, Chetan (2020). "White Extinction: Metaphysical Elements of Contemporary Western Fascism". Theory, Culture & Society. 38. SAGE Publications: 49. doi:10.1177/0263276420925523. ISSN 0263-2764.
  199. ^ "The Great Translation Movement Shines a Spotlight on China's Propaganda". The Diplomat. 5 April 2022.
  200. ^ "A new Twitter account shows how the Chinese Communist Party stirs up ultra-nationalism". The Economist. 19 May 2022.
  201. ^ Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom; Maura Elizabeth Cunningham (12 March 2018). China in the 21st Century: What Everyone Needs to Know?. Oxford University Press. p. 138. ISBN 978-0-19-065910-3. There is very little likelihood of this happening.
  202. ^ Ching Kwan Lee; Ming Sing (15 November 2019). Take Back Our Future: An Eventful Sociology of the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement. Cornell University Press. p. 155. ISBN 978-1-5017-4093-0.
  203. ^ Harris Mylonas; Maya Tudor (2023). Varieties of Nationalism: Communities, Narratives, Identities. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-96835-5.
  204. ^ Tina Burrett; Jeff Kingston (2023). Routledge Handbook of Trauma in East Asia. Taylor & Francis. p. 200. ISBN 978-1-000-85939-3.
  205. ^ Che, Chang (1 December 2020). "The Nazi Inspiring China's Communists". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 1 December 2020. Retrieved 1 December 2020.
  206. ^ David L Shambaugh (2 April 2008). China's Communist Party: Atrophy and Adaptation. University of California Press. p. 177. Some intellectuals flirt with so-called neoconservatism (xinbaoshouzhuyi), which embodies fascistic-like characteristics, but it has not gained wide appeal.
  207. ^ Vajpeyi, Ananya (2020). "Minorities and Populism in Modi's India: The Mirror Effect". Minorities and Populism – Critical Perspectives from South Asia and Europe. Philosophy and Politics - Critical Explorations. Vol. 10. Cham: Springer International Publishing. pp. 17–28. doi:10.1007/978-3-030-34098-8_2. ISBN 978-3-030-34097-1.
  208. ^ a b Barton, Greg; Yilmaz, Ihsan; Morieson, Nicholas (29 May 2021). "Religious and Pro-Violence Populism in Indonesia: The Rise and Fall of a Far-Right Islamist Civilisationist Movement". Religions. 12 (6): 397. doi:10.3390/rel12060397. ISSN 2077-1444.
  209. ^ Sharon Weinblum (2015). Security and Defensive Democracy in Israel: A Critical Approach to Political Discourse. Routledge. p. 10. ISBN 978-1-317-58450-6.
  210. ^ "God's Law: an Interview with Rabbi Meir Kahane". Archived from the original on 19 February 2009. Retrieved 18 December 2012.: "Any non-Jew, including the Arabs, can have the status of a foreign resident in Israel if he accepts the law of the Halacha. I don’t differentiate between Arabs and non-Arabs. The only difference I make is between Jews and non-Jews. If a non-Jew wants to live here, he must agree to be a foreign resident, be he Arab or not. He does not have and cannot have national rights in Israel. He can have civil rights, social rights, but he cannot be a citizen; he won’t have the right to vote. Again, whether he’s Arab or not."
  211. ^ "Knesset Records of Kach Activity". Archived from the original on 15 August 2014. Retrieved 6 July 2014.
  212. ^ Key Issues: Protecting Charitable organizations U.S. Department of the Treasury Archived 14 February 2007 at the Wayback Machine
  213. ^ In the Spotlight: Kach and Kahane Chai Center for Defense Information, 1 October 2002 Archived 22 November 2006 at the Wayback Machine
  214. ^ "Kach, Kahane Chai (Israel, extremists)". Council for Foreign Relations. 20 March 2008. Archived from the original on 4 June 2011. Retrieved 23 June 2015.
  215. ^ "Terrorist Organization Profile: Kach". National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism. University of Maryland. 23 June 2015. Archived from the original on 24 June 2015. Retrieved 24 June 2015.
  216. ^ Magid, Jacob; staff, T. O. I. "Jewish Home party, far-right Otzma Yehudit reunite ahead of third elections". The Times of Israel. Archived from the original on 20 December 2019. Retrieved 18 August 2020.
  217. ^ Jeremy Sharon (25 February 2019). "What do Otzma Yehudit and its leaders stand for?". The Jerusalem Post. Archived from the original on 26 February 2019. Retrieved 25 February 2019.
  218. ^ Aaron Kelman (27 January 2013). "Arab town doesn't love anti-Arab party". The Times of Israel. Archived from the original on 18 May 2015. Retrieved 21 June 2015.
  219. ^ Raphael Ahren (18 February 2015). "The extremist who could bring Kahanism back to the Knesset". The Times of Israel. Archived from the original on 3 November 2018. Retrieved 3 February 2019.
  220. ^ "Israel moves sharply to right as Netanyahu forms new coalition". BBC. 21 December 2022. Archived from the original on 6 January 2023. Retrieved 14 September 2023.
  221. ^ "Netanyahu's hard-line new government takes office in Israel". BBC News. 29 December 2022. Archived from the original on 29 December 2022. Retrieved 29 December 2022.
  222. ^ Carrie Keller-Lynn (21 December 2022). ""I've done it": Netanyahu announces his 6th government, Israel's most hardline ever". The Times of Israel. Archived from the original on 14 January 2023. Retrieved 21 December 2022.
  223. ^ Picheta, Rob; Gold, Hadas; Tal, Amir (29 December 2022). "Benjamin Netanyahu sworn in as leader of Israel's likely most right-wing government ever". CNN. Archived from the original on 28 February 2023. Retrieved 29 December 2022.
  224. ^ "In Israel and the U.S., 'apartheid' is the elephant in the room". Washington Post.
  225. ^ Clemons, Steven (27 August 2006). "The Rise of Japan's Thought Police". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 27 October 2020. Retrieved 3 June 2020.
  226. ^ Muneo Narusawa, "Abe Shinzo: Japan's New Prime Minister a Far-Right Denier of History" Archived 16 March 2015 at the Wayback Machine, The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol 11, Issue 1, No. 1, 14 January 2013
  227. ^ The Economist of Britain on 5 January 2013. Cited in: William L. Brooks (2013), Will history again trip up Prime Minister Shinzo Abe? The Asahi Shimbun, 7 May 2013
  228. ^ a b Chan, Nicholas (2024). "'Human Rights…But for the Majority': The Appropriation and Subversion of the Human Rights Agenda by Right-Wing NGOs in Malaysia". TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia. 12 (1): 1–26. doi:10.1017/trn.2023.1. ISSN 2051-364X.
  229. ^ Fen-ling Chen, ed. (2000). Working Women and State Policies in Taiwan: A Study in Political Economy. Springer. ISBN 9780230508873. The New Party, which split from the KMT in 1994, is a conservative party and on the far Right.
  230. ^ "新黨公布"一國兩制台灣方案" (全文)" [New Party Announces "One Country, Two Systems Taiwan Proposal" (Full Text)]. CRNTT.com. 18 August 2019. Retrieved 7 December 2023.
  231. ^ "台湾中华爱国同心会将每月举办"一国两制"演讲会". 台湾频道--人民网. Archived from the original on 9 July 2021. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  232. ^ Samson Ellis and Adrian Kennedy (4 July 2022). "Xi's suppression of Hong Kong democracy pushes Taiwan further from China". The Japan Times. Retrieved 18 October 2023. For Taiwan though, the proposal has never been an option. Even the Kuomintang — a vestige of the losing side in China's civil war and the main force backing eventual unification with the mainland, has rejected the model
  233. ^ Micah McCartney (15 August 2022). "Taiwan's KMT: Between a Rock and a Hard Place". The Diplomat. Retrieved 18 October 2023. On August 10, a white paper published by China's Taiwan Affairs Office, the first such document released on Xi Jinping's watch, confirmed that "One Country, Two Systems" is fundamental to Beijing's vision of unification with Taiwan. This makes a rapprochement with a KMT, or indeed any Taiwanese administration, more difficult to achieve given how "One Country, Two Systems" played out in Hong Kong. Even pro-China former President Ma has declared the framework "dead".
  234. ^ "Far right groups imposing agendas on society in Armenia: Freedom House". PanARMENIAN.Net. Archived from the original on 29 April 2021. Retrieved 14 January 2024.
  235. ^ "בעיר הבירה: תנועה אנטישמית ארמנית צעדה עם דגלי נאצים - וואלה! יהדות". וואלה!. Archived from the original on 13 January 2024. Retrieved 14 January 2024.
  236. ^ Drago Hedl (10 November 2005). "Croatia's Willingness To Tolerate Fascist Legacy Worries Many". BCR Issue 73. IWPR. Archived from the original on 16 November 2010. Retrieved 30 November 2010.
  237. ^ a b Eremina, Natalia; Seredenko, Sergei (2015). Right Radicalism in Party and Political Systems in Present-day European States. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 74. ISBN 978-1-4438-7938-5.
  238. ^ Milekic, Sven (24 January 2017). "Croatia Ex-President Shown Downplaying WWII Crimes". Balkan Insight. BIRN. Archived from the original on 8 August 2021. Retrieved 28 August 2021.
  239. ^ "Croatian PM hails 'victory' for conservatives in parliamentary vote". Deutsche Welle. Archived from the original on 6 July 2020. Retrieved 18 September 2020.
  240. ^ "Croatia's nationalist revival points to role for far-right". Financial Times. Archived from the original on 10 December 2022. Retrieved 18 September 2020.
  241. ^ Kasekamp, Andres (Fall 1993). "The Estonian Veterans' League: A fascist movement?". Journal of Baltic Studies. 24 (3): 263–268. doi:10.1080/01629779300000151.
  242. ^ Kasekamp, Andres (2003). The Radical Right in Interwar Estonia». Palgrave.
  243. ^ Arnold Schulbach (April 1934). "Vabside elu keskvanglas" [Free communication life in the central prison]. Vaba Maa (in Estonian). Vol. 6, no. 79. p. 1.
  244. ^ Voldemar Pinn. Kahe mehe saatus: Johannes Vares, Hjalmar Mäe. Haapsalu, 1994.
  245. ^ Tanner, Jari (4 March 2019). "Far right gains in Estonia eyed for clues to EU-wide vote". AP News. Archived from the original on 4 March 2019. Retrieved 8 December 2020.
  246. ^ Roger Suso (31 December 2022). "COM UN NEN DE TRETZE ANYS HA POGUT DIRIGIR DES D'ESTÒNIA UNA ORGANITZACIÓ INTERNACIONAL NEONAZI?". ca:Directa. Archived from the original on 5 March 2023. Retrieved 1 January 2023. According to the Eesti Ekspress newspaper , Commander had a contact with the deputy of the Conservative People's Party of Estonia (EKRE) and head of the youth section of the formation Ruuben Kaalep.
  247. ^ Silver, Tambur (10 August 2020). "A global neo-Nazi organisation led by a 13-year-old Estonian schoolboy". Estonian World. Archived from the original on 12 May 2020. Retrieved 10 April 2020.
  248. ^ "Grupuotė, kurios narys planavo išpuolį Lietuvoje: įtraukti siekiama net ir vaikus (The group whose member planned the attack in Lithuania: even children are sought in involvement)". Delfi (web portal). 26 June 2020. Archived from the original on 27 June 2020. Retrieved 27 June 2020.
  249. ^ "EKRE MP Ruuben Kaalep has long history of neo-Nazi activity". Eesti Rahvusringhääling. 10 July 2019. Archived from the original on 8 May 2020. Retrieved 10 July 2019.
  250. ^ "Wiesenthal Center Criticizes Extreme Right March to Mark Estonian Independence Day". Simon Wiesenthal Center. 5 October 2020. Archived from the original on 8 October 2020. Retrieved 16 December 2020.
  251. ^ "Nazi Hunter: Nuremberg-esque march no way to celebrate Estonian independence". International Business Times. 5 October 2020. Archived from the original on 25 January 2021. Retrieved 16 December 2020.
  252. ^ Vares, Vesa & Uola, Mikko & Majander, Mikko: Kansanvalta koetuksella. Sarjassa Suomen eduskunta 100 vuotta, Osa 3. Helsinki: Edita, 2006. ISBN 9513745430 pp. 248, 253
  253. ^ Iltalehti Teema Historia: Lapuan liike, Alma Media, 2015, pp. 34–35.
  254. ^ L. J. Niinistö; "Paavo Susitaival 1896–1993. Aktivismi elämänasenteena", 1998.
  255. ^ Jorma O. Tiainen; et al., eds. (1987). Vuosisatamme Kronikka. Jyväskylä: Gummerus. p. 668. ISBN 951202893X.
  256. ^ Lars Westerlund, ed. (2008). Sotavangit ja internoidut [Prisoners of war and internees] (in Finnish, English, and Swedish). Helsinki: Kansallisarkisto [National Archives]. ISBN 978-9515331397. Archived from the original on 27 October 2018. Retrieved 6 December 2020.
  257. ^ "Palveliko entinen puolustusministeri Arvo Pentti (s.13.2.1915 – k. 1.2.1986) suomalaisessa SS-Pataljoonassa 2.Maailmansodan aikana – jos palveli, kauanko, missä ja millä sotilasarvolla?" [Did former Minister of Defense Arvo Pentti (b. 13 February 1915 – d. 1.2.1986) serve in the Finnish SS Battalion during World War II – if so, for how long, where and with what military rank?]. Kysy kirjastonhoitajalta [Ask your librarian] (in Finnish). Kirjastot.fi. 31 May 2007. Archived from the original on 7 September 2017. Retrieved 23 September 2016.
  258. ^ Seitsemän vuotta uusnatsina Archived 27 February 2014 at the Wayback Machine Helsingin sanomat 17.10.2013
  259. ^ Ravndal, Jacob Aasland (3 September 2018). "Right-wing Terrorism and Militancy in the Nordic Countries: A Comparative Case Study". Terrorism and Political Violence. 30 (5): 772–792. doi:10.1080/09546553.2018.1445888. hdl:10852/64981. One particularly severe episode happened in 1997, when a group of about 50 skinheads attacked Somali youths playing football in the Helsinki suburb Kontula. The violence did not stop before the police started shooting warning shots, and 22 skinheads were sentenced for the attack. Pekonen et al. also mention a number of other violent events from the 1990s, including ten particularly severe events from 1995 (not included in the RTV dataset because sufficient event details are lacking): a racist murder, an immigrant stabbed by a skinhead, four attacks on immigrants using explosives, and another four immigrants beaten severely. Free version available via the University of Oslo (Archived 26 March 2021).
  260. ^ "Extreme right radicals seeking more visible presence in Finland". Finnish Broadcasting Company. 2 February 2013. Archived from the original on 5 May 2016. Retrieved 1 October 2017.
  261. ^ "Finnish centre-left parties agree to form government". FRANCE 24. 31 May 2019. Archived from the original on 4 April 2022. Retrieved 29 October 2020. Rinne led his party to a razor-thin victory in last month's general election, holding off the far-right Finns Party which surged into second place on an anti-immigration agenda.
  262. ^ "Finland's Social Democrats win razor-thin victory against far-right party". euronews. 15 April 2019. Archived from the original on 30 September 2020. Retrieved 29 October 2020. Finland's leftist Social Democrats won first place in Sunday's general election with 17.7% of the votes, avoiding a near defeat by the far-right Finns Party, which rose in the ranks with an anti-immigration agenda.
  263. ^ "A look at euroskeptic and populist forces in the European Union". The Japan Times. 21 May 2019. Archived from the original on 26 September 2019. Retrieved 29 October 2020. Finland's far-right, anti-immigration Finns Party more than doubled its seats in April national elections, closely tailing the leftist Social Democrats who won only narrowly.
  264. ^ "Six MPs of the far-right Finns Party with a criminal record". European Interest. 19 April 2019. Archived from the original on 28 September 2020. Retrieved 29 October 2020.
  265. ^ "FactSheet: The Finns Party". Bridge Initiative. Georgetown University. Archived from the original on 22 January 2022. Retrieved 16 August 2022.
  266. ^ Juho Jokinen: Jouni Lanamäki kuohutti 1990-luvulla rasismilla, vetäytyi julkisuudesta ja loi kaikessa hiljaisuudessa karaokebaarien imperiumin Helsinkiin – Nyt hän avaa suunsa 25 vuoden jälkeen (vain tilaajille) Helsingin Sanomat 4.10.2017.
  267. ^ Turun Sanomat, Suomi-Isänmaalle ensimmäinen valtuutettu, 30.3.2005
  268. ^ Pohjola, Mike (toim.): Mitä Pekka Siitoin tarkoittaa? Savukeidas, 2015. ISBN 978-952-268-155-3 p. 79
  269. ^ "Neo-Nazis marching on the streets in European cities despite EU bans". Brussels Times. 28 March 2023. Archived from the original on 28 March 2023. Retrieved 28 March 2023. Helsinki, Finland, 'Towards Freedom' and '612 for freedom' march' in memory of the Finnish SS-battalion which fought with Nazi Germany
  270. ^ "On Europe's Streets:Annual Marches Glorifying Nazism" (PDF). B'nai B'rith, Amadeu Antonio Foundation, Federal Foreign Office. 25 March 2023. Archived (PDF) from the original on 26 March 2023. Retrieved 26 March 2023. the main organizers and guests of the event have been drawn from either non-party-affiliated far-right-activists or members of the right-wing populist Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset), its youth organization Finns Party Youth (Perussuomalaiset Nuoret)...the 612-march is a torchlight procession from central Helsinki to the Hietaniemi war cemetery, where members visit the tomb of World War II-era President Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim and the monument to the Finnish SS-Battalion. There are speeches at both the assembly point and at the cemetery, eulogizing the Battle for Helsinki, depicted by speakers as the occasion "when Germans and Finns marched side by side and liberated the city from the communists."
  271. ^ "Äärioikeistolaisten hihamerkit ja anarkistiliput vilahtelivat Helsingissä, kun tuhannet marssivat itsenäisyyspäivän mielenosoituksissa – Poliisi otti kiinni 13 ihmistä". Helsingin Sanomat. 7 October 2020. Archived from the original on 4 November 2021. Retrieved 9 August 2021.
  272. ^ "Pohjoismainen vastarintaliike joukkonujakassa itsenäisyyspäivänä – uusnatsit naureskelivat väkivallalle: "Hauskaa!"". Iltasanomat. 7 October 2020. Archived from the original on 19 October 2021. Retrieved 9 August 2021.
  273. ^ "Näin toimii Suomen Vastarintaliike". Yle. 15 May 2016. Archived from the original on 23 September 2020. Retrieved 26 September 2020.
  274. ^ "Finnish neo-Nazi group diversifies, seeks alliances as ban closes in". Yleisradio. 21 September 2024. Last year's right-wing 612 torchlight procession on Independence Day attracted about 3,000 people.
  275. ^ "The French National Front: On its way to power?". Policy Network. 22 January 2015. Archived from the original on 15 February 2018. Retrieved 31 March 2015.
  276. ^ Lichfield, John (1 March 2015). "Rise of the French far right: Front National party could make sweeping gains at this month's local elections". The Independent. Archived from the original on 25 September 2015. Retrieved 31 March 2015.
  277. ^ Davies, Peter (2012). The National Front in France: Ideology, Discourse and Power. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-72530-4.
  278. ^ Camus & Lebourg 2017, p. [page needed].
  279. ^ "Jean-Marie Le Pen fined again for dismissing Holocaust as 'detail'". The Guardian. 6 April 2016. Archived from the original on 23 March 2021. Retrieved 1 July 2020.
  280. ^ "Jean-Marie Le Pen condamné pour incitation à la haine raciale". Le Monde. 24 February 2005. Archived from the original on 25 February 2021. Retrieved 1 July 2020.
  281. ^ a b c Wildman, Sarah (16 August 2017). "Why you see swastikas in America but not Germany". Vox. Vox Media. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
  282. ^ "Section 86a Use of Symbols of Unconstitutional Organizations". Criminal Code (Strafgesetzbuch, StGB). German Law Archive. Archived from the original on 26 April 2001. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
  283. ^ Virchow, Fabian (2016), "PEGIDA: Understanding the Emergence and Essence of Nativist Protest in Dresden", Journal of Intercultural Studies, 37 (6): 541–555, doi:10.1080/07256868.2016.1235026, S2CID 151752919
  284. ^ "PEGIDA in Germany" Archived 24 February 2021 at the Wayback Machine.
  285. ^ "The Pegida Movement and German Political Culture: Is Right-Wing Populism Here to Stay?" Archived 9 March 2021 at the Wayback Machine.
  286. ^ Bennhold, Katrin (3 March 2021). "Germany Places Far-Right AfD Party Under Surveillance for Extremism". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 23 March 2021. Retrieved 5 March 2021.
  287. ^ a b c Payne, Stanley G (1995). A History of Fascism, 1914–45. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-299-14874-2.
  288. ^ a b Gert Sørensen, Robert Mallett. International fascism, 1919–45. London; Portland, Oregon: Frank Cass Publishers, 2002. p. 159.
  289. ^ a b Lee, Stephen J. 2000. European Dictatorships, 1918–1945 Routledge; 2 edition (2000). ISBN 0415230462.
  290. ^ Mazower, Mark Inside Hitler's Greece: The Experience of Occupation, 1941–44, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001 pages 22 & 145.
  291. ^ Martin Seckendorf; Günter Keber; u.a.; Bundesarchiv (Hrsg.): Die Okkupationspolitik des deutschen Faschismus in Jugoslawien, Griechenland, Albanien, Italien und Ungarn (1941–1945) Hüthig, Berlin 1992; Decker/ Müller, Heidelberg 2000. Reihe: Europa unterm Hakenkreuz Band 6, ISBN 3822618926
  292. ^ Munoz, Antonio J. (2018). The German Secret Field Police in Greece, 1941–1944. Jefferson, NC: MacFarland & Company. p. 95. ISBN 978-1-4766-6784-3.
  293. ^ Kassimeris, Christos (2006). "Causes of the 1967 Greek Coup". Democracy and Security. 2(1), 61–72.
  294. ^ "Clinton Says U.S. Regrets Aid to Junta in Cold War". Los Angeles Times. 21 November 1999. Archived from the original on 12 November 2020. Retrieved 5 June 2020.
  295. ^ Wodak, Ruth (2015), The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean, Sage, However, Golden Dawn's neo-Nazi profile is clearly visible in the party's symbolism, with its flag resembling a swastika, Nazi salutes and chant of 'Blood and Honour' encapsulating its xenophobic and racist ideology.
  296. ^ Vasilopoulou; Halikiopoulou (2015), The Golden Dawn's 'Nationalist Solution', p. 32, The extremist character of the Golden Dawn, its neo-Nazi principles, racism and ultranationalism, as well as its violence, render the party a least likely case of success [...].
  297. ^ Dalakoglou, Dimitris (2013), "Neo-Nazism and neoliberalism: A Few Comments on Violence in Athens At the Time of Crisis", WorkingUSA, 16 (2): 283–292, doi:10.1111/wusa.12044, hdl:1871.1/89a5fc47-6409-46d0-8d9b-343f7567f73d, archived from the original on 26 March 2021, retrieved 5 June 2020
  298. ^ Miliopoulos, Lazaros (2011), "Extremismus in Griechenland", Extremismus in den EU-Staaten (in German), VS Verlag, p. 154, doi:10.1007/978-3-531-92746-6_9, ISBN 978-3-531-17065-7, ...mit der seit 1993 als Partei anerkannten offen neonationalsozialistischen Gruppierung Goldene Mörgenröte (Chryssi Avgí, Χρυσή Αυγή) kooperierte... [...cooperated with the openly neo-National Socialist group Golden Dawn (Chryssi Avgí, Χρυσή Αυγή), which has been recognized as a party since 1993...]
  299. ^ Davies, Peter; Jackson, Paul (2008), The Far Right in Europe: An Encyclopedia, Greenwood World Press, p. 173
  300. ^ Altsech, Moses (August 2004), "Anti-Semitism in Greece: Embedded in Society", Post-Holocaust and Anti-Semitism (23): 12, On 12 March 2004, Chrysi Avghi (Golden Dawn), the new weekly newspaper of the Neo-Nazi organization with that name, cited another survey which indicated that the percentage of Greeks who view immigrants unfavorably is 89 percent.
  301. ^ Explosion at Greek neo-Nazi office, CNN, 19 March 2010, archived from the original on 8 March 2012, retrieved 2 February 2012
  302. ^ Dalakoglou, Dimitris (2012), "Beyond Spontaneity" (PDF), CITY, 16 (5): 535–545, Bibcode:2012City...16..535D, doi:10.1080/13604813.2012.720760, hdl:1871.1/a5f5f3bf-372b-4e1f-8d76-cbe25382a4d0, S2CID 143686910, archived (PDF) from the original on 3 March 2021, retrieved 5 June 2020
  303. ^ Donadio, Rachel; Kitsantonis, Niki (6 May 2012), "Greek Voters Punish 2 Main Parties for Economic Collapse", The New York Times, archived from the original on 8 March 2021, retrieved 5 June 2020
  304. ^ Smith, Helena (21 September 2019). "After murder, defections and poll defeat: the sun sets on Greece's Golden Dawn". The Observer. ISSN 0029-7712. Archived from the original on 12 January 2021. Retrieved 22 September 2019.
  305. ^ Smith, Helena (16 December 2011), "Rise of the Greek far right raises fears of further turmoil", The Guardian, London, archived from the original on 18 September 2014, retrieved 5 June 2020
  306. ^ Dalakoglou, Dimitris (2012), "Beyond Spontaneity: Crisis, Violence and Collective Action in Athens" (PDF), CITY, 16 (5): 535–545, Bibcode:2012City...16..535D, doi:10.1080/13604813.2012.720760, hdl:1871.1/a5f5f3bf-372b-4e1f-8d76-cbe25382a4d0, S2CID 143686910, archived (PDF) from the original on 3 March 2021, retrieved 5 June 2020, The use of the terms extreme-Right, neo-Nazi, and fascist as synonymous is on purpose. Historically in Greece, the terms have been used alternatively in reference to the para-state apparatuses, but not only. (pg: 542)
  307. ^ Xenakis, Sappho (2012), "A New Dawn? Change and Continuity in Political Violence in Greece", Terrorism and Political Violence, 24 (3): 437–464, doi:10.1080/09546553.2011.633133, S2CID 145624655, ...Nikolaos Michaloliakos, who established the fascistic far-right party Chrysi Avgi ("Golden Dawn") in the early 1980s.
  308. ^ Kravva, Vasiliki (2003), "The Construction of Otherness in Modern Greece", The Ethics of Anthropology: Debates and dilemmas, Routledge, p. 169, For example, during the summer of 2000 members of Chryssi Avgi, the most widespread fascist organization in Greece, destroyed part of the third cemetery in Athens...
  309. ^ Gemenis, Kostas; Nezi, Roula (January 2012), The 2011 Political Parties Expert Survey in Greece (PDF), University of Twente, p. 4, archived (PDF) from the original on 15 June 2013, retrieved 5 June 2020, Interestingly, the placement of the extreme right Chrysi Avyi does not seem to be influenced by this bias, although this has more do with the lack of variance in the data (32 out of 33 experts placed the party on 10)
  310. ^ Repoussi, Maria (2009), "Battles over the national past of Greeks: The Greek History Textbook Controversy 2006–2007" (PDF), Geschichte für Heute. Zeitschrift für Historisch-politische Bildung (1): 5, archived (PDF) from the original on 2 October 2013, retrieved 5 June 2020
  311. ^ Grumke, Thomas (2003), "The transatlantic dimension of right-wing extremism", Human Rights Review, 4 (4): 56–72, doi:10.1007/s12142-003-1021-x, S2CID 145203309, On October 24, 1998 the Greek right-wing extremist organization Chrisi Avgi ("Golden Dawn") was the host for the "5th European Youth Congress" in Thessaloniki.
  312. ^ Xypolia, Ilia (June 2012). "The rise of neo-Nazism should not be underestimated" (PDF). GPSG Pamphlet: First Thoughts on the 17 June 2012 Election in Greece: 26. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2 March 2021. Retrieved 4 March 2013.
  313. ^ Henley, Jon; Davies, Lizzy (18 June 2012). "Greece's far-right Golden Dawn party maintains share of vote". The Guardian. London. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 25 June 2012.
  314. ^ "Parliamentary Elections January 2015". Ministry of Interior. Retrieved 14 February 2021.
  315. ^ "Greek anti-fascist rapper murdered by 'neo-Nazi' Golden Dawn". The Independent. 18 September 2013. Archived from the original on 15 June 2020. Retrieved 5 June 2020.
  316. ^ "Golden Dawn leader jailed ahead of Greek criminal trial". The Guardian. 3 October 2013. Archived from the original on 9 March 2021. Retrieved 2 November 2013.
  317. ^ Smith, Helena (7 May 2015). "Golden Dawn leaders' trial adjourned until next week". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 8 May 2015. Retrieved 17 June 2015.
  318. ^ Gatopoulos, Derek; Becatoros, Elena (7 October 2020). "Greek court rules Golden Dawn party criminal organization". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 24 June 2022. Retrieved 7 October 2020.
  319. ^ "Neo-fascist Golden Dawn party crashes out of Greek parliament". www.aljazeera.com. Archived from the original on 16 November 2019. Retrieved 3 April 2020.
  320. ^ "Poll: 9 out of 10 will celebrate Easter at home – The gap in favor of ND against SYRIZA is growing (original title: Δημοσκόπηση: 9 στους 10 θα κάνουν Πάσχα στο σπίτι – Μεγαλώνει η ψαλίδα υπέρ ΝΔ έναντι ΣΥΡΙΖΑ)". To Vima. 15 April 2020. Archived from the original on 9 March 2021. Retrieved 18 April 2020.
  321. ^ "The unorthodox Greek". POLITICO.eu. 27 September 2019. Archived from the original on 15 November 2020. Retrieved 28 September 2022.
  322. ^ Harris Mylonas, After a decade of crisis, Greek politics are turning normal and more technocratic Archived 22 September 2021 at the Wayback Machine, Washington Post (14 July 2019).
  323. ^ Zulianello, Mattia (2019). "Varieties of Populist Parties and Party Systems in Europe: From State-of-the-Art to the Application of a Novel Classification Scheme to 66 Parties in 33 Countries" (PDF). Government and Opposition: 4. Archived (PDF) from the original on 16 August 2020. Retrieved 26 September 2022.
  324. ^ "Nationale Ergebnisse Griechenland| Wahlergebnisse 2019 | 2019 Ergebnisse der Europawahl 2019 | Europäisches Parlament". europawahlergebnis.eu/ (in German). Archived from the original on 20 June 2019. Retrieved 6 July 2019. ΕΛ/EL – Ελληνική Λύση / Greek Solution 4.18
  325. ^ Ignazi 2003, p. 51.
  326. ^ a b c Mantesso, Sean (26 May 2019). "The ghost of Benito Mussolini lingers as far-right popularity surges in Italy". ABC News. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Archived from the original on 22 February 2021. Retrieved 26 May 2019.
  327. ^ Tom Kington (6 November 2011). "Italy's fascists stay true to Mussolini's ideology". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 3 February 2021. Retrieved 14 December 2013.
  328. ^ Paolo Berizzi (21 June 2017). "Saluti romani e un tocco di glamour ecco la nuova strategia di CasaPound". la Repubblica. Archived from the original on 24 February 2021. Retrieved 30 April 2020.
  329. ^ Eleonora Vio, "Arrivano i Nazi-Pop" Archived 24 February 2021 at the Wayback Machine, dagospia.com, 26 July 2016.
  330. ^ Somerville, Ewan (22 July 2019). "Italy's populist government to continue turning refugee rescue boats away as they boycott European crisis meeting". The Independent. Archived from the original on 26 November 2020. Retrieved 9 September 2019.
  331. ^ Werner Warmbrunn (1963). The Dutch Under German Occupation, 1940–1945. Stanford UP. pp. 5–7. ISBN 978-0-8047-0152-5. Archived from the original on 21 January 2024. Retrieved 16 June 2020.
  332. ^ Croes, Marnix (Winter 2006). "The Holocaust in the Netherlands and the Rate of Jewish Survival" (PDF). Holocaust and Genocide Studies. 20 (3). Research and Documentation Center of the Netherlands Ministry of Justice: 474–499. doi:10.1093/hgs/dcl022. S2CID 37573804. Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 September 2018. Retrieved 16 June 2020.
  333. ^ Staal, Herman; Stokmans, Derk (12 May 2009). "The importance of not courting Wilders". NRC Handelsblad. The Hague. Archived from the original on 17 May 2009. Retrieved 28 December 2010.
  334. ^ Mudde 2002, pp. 118–122.
  335. ^ Mudde 2002, p. [page needed].
  336. ^ Scimone, Frank (8 September 2009). "Press Review Tuesday 8 September 2009". Radio Netherlands Worldwide. Archived from the original on 7 June 2011. Retrieved 28 December 2010.
  337. ^ Liang, Christina Schori, ed. (2007). Europe for the Europeans: the foreign and security policy of neo-populist parties. Aldershot: Ashgate. pp. 265f. ISBN 978-0-7546-4851-2.
  338. ^ Suall, Irwin; et al. (1995). The Skinhead International: A worldwide survey of Neo-Nazi skinheads. Anti-Defamation League. p. 1. ISBN 0-88464-166-X.
  339. ^ "Powstało stowarzyszenie Endecja z udziałem posłów Kukiza" [The Endecja Association was established with the participation of Kukiz MPs]. rp.pl (in Polish). 19 May 2016. Archived from the original on 20 May 2016.
  340. ^ Noack, Rick (13 November 2017). "How Poland became a breeding ground for Europe's far right". Washington Post. Archived from the original on 13 November 2017. Retrieved 13 November 2017.
  341. ^ Verbeeck, Georgi; Hausleitner, Mariana (2011). "Cultural Memory and Legal Responses: Holocaust Denial in Belgium and Romania". Facing the Catastrophe: Jews and Non-Jews in Europe During World War II. Berg. p. 238. ISBN 978-1-84520-825-7.
  342. ^ Shafir, Michael (2004). "Memories, Memorials and Membership: Romanian Utilitarian Anti-Semitism and Marshal Antonescu". Romania Since 1989: Politics, Economics, and Society. Lexington Books. p. 71. ISBN 978-0-7391-0592-4.
  343. ^ Cinpoeș, Radu (October 2012). "The Extreme Right in Contemporary Romania" Archived 24 February 2021 at the Wayback Machine. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. p. 5. ISBN 978-3864983344. Retrieved 30 June 2020.
  344. ^ Babkov, D. (2008). Политическая деятельность и взгляды В. В. Шульгина в 1917—1939 гг.
  345. ^ Kavasila, Nikolai (2013). Неонацизм. Great Russian Encyclopedia. Большая Российская энциклопедия. ISBN 978-5-85270-358-3. Archived from the original on 12 February 2023. Retrieved 12 February 2023.
  346. ^ a b Schnirelmann, Victor (2012). Russian Rodnoverie: Neopaganism and Nationalism in Modern Russia (in Russian). Biblical Theological Institute of St. Andrew the Apostle. p. xiv + 302. ISBN 978-5-89647-291-9. Archived from the original on 21 January 2024. Retrieved 19 February 2023.
  347. ^ a b Schnirelmann, Victor (2015). Aryan myth in the modern world (in Russian). New literary review. ISBN 9785444804223. Archived from the original on 21 January 2024. Retrieved 19 February 2023.
  348. ^ Shizhensky, Roman (2020). "Современное "родноверие": реперные точки" (in Russian). Доклад на круглом столе: «Славянское язычество XXI века: проблемы генезиса и развития», прошедшем 15 февраля 2020 года в Нижегородском государственном педагогическом университете имени Козьмы Минина. Archived from the original on 6 January 2022.
  349. ^ Shizhensky, Roman (2021). "Neopaganism and the middle class". Lecture hall "Krapivensky 4". 03/02/2021. Archived from the original on 6 January 2022. Retrieved 19 February 2023.
  350. ^ Aitamurto, Kaarina (2018). "Родноверие, современное славянское язычество и сложности определения "религии"". Доклад, октябрь 2018 года, Второй Конгресс Русского религиоведческого общества «Понимание религии : исторические и современные аспекты». Archived from the original on 25 May 2021.
  351. ^ Prokofiev, A.; Filatov, Sergey; Koskello, Anastasia (2006). Slavic and Scandinavian paganism. Wicca (in Russian). Moscow: University book, Logos. pp. 170–171. ISBN 5-98704-057-4.
  352. ^ Aitamurto, Kaarina (2018). "Родноверие, современное славянское язычество и сложности определения "религии"". Доклад, октябрь 2018 года, Второй Конгресс Русского религиоведческого общества «Понимание религии : исторические и современные аспекты». Archived from the original on 25 May 2021.
  353. ^ Shlapentokh, Dmitry (2014). "Антисемитизм истории: вариант русских неоязычников". Colloquium Heptaplomeres (1). Nizhy Novgorod: Nizhny Novgorod State Pedagogical University named after Kozma Minin. ISSN 2312-1696. Archived from the original on 27 October 2021. Retrieved 19 February 2023.
  354. ^ Hehn, Paul N. (1971). "Serbia, Croatia and Germany 1941–1945: Civil War and Revolution in the Balkans". Canadian Slavonic Papers. 13 (4). University of Alberta: 344–373. doi:10.1080/00085006.1971.11091249. JSTOR 40866373.
  355. ^ a b c Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918–2005. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34656-8.
  356. ^ Byford, Jovan (2011). "Willing Bystanders: Dimitrije Ljotić, "Shield Collaboration" and the Destruction of Serbia's Jews". In Haynes, Rebecca; Rady, Martyn (eds.). In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2.
  357. ^ Vucinich, Wayne S. (1969). "Interwar Yugoslavia". Contemporary Yugoslavia: Twenty Years of Socialist Experiment. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. OCLC 652337606.
  358. ^ Đokić, Dejan (2011). "'Leader' or 'Devil'? Milan Stojadinović, Prime Minister of Yugoslavia, and his Ideology". In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. London: I.B. Tauris. p. 155. ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2.
  359. ^ Maliković, Dragi; Rastović, Aleksandar; Šuvaković, Uroš (2007). Parlamentarne stranke u Kraljevini SHS-Jugoslaviji, knjiga 1, Nastanak razvoj i partijski sistemi. Kosovska Mitrovica: Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Prištini. ISBN 978-8684029142.
  360. ^ Hoare, Marko Attila (2013). Bosnian Muslims in the Second World War. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-70394-9.
  361. ^ Redžić, Enver (2005). Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Second World War. Abingdon: Frank Cass. ISBN 978-0-7146-5625-0.
  362. ^ Tomasevich, Jozo (1975). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945: The Chetniks. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-0857-9.
  363. ^ Roberts, Walter R. (1987). Tito, Mihailović and the Allies: 1941–1945. New Brunswick, NJ: Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-0773-0.
  364. ^ Pribićević, Ognjen (1999). "Changing Fortunes of the Serbian Radical Right". In Ramet, Sabrina P. (ed.). The radical right in Central and Eastern Europe since 1989. Penn State. pp. 193–212. ISBN 978-0-271-01811-9. Archived from the original on 21 January 2024. Retrieved 18 July 2021.
  365. ^ Ottaway, David (1993). "President of Serbia Dissolves Parliament". Washington Post. Archived from the original on 21 December 2018. Retrieved 20 December 2018.
  366. ^ Traynor, Ian (2004). "Hardliner looks set to win poll in Serbia". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 20 July 2021. Retrieved 21 December 2018.
  367. ^ Rossi, Michael (October 2009). Resurrecting The Past: Democracy, National Identity and Historical Memory in Modern Serbia (PhD thesis). New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University. p. 12.
  368. ^ "Posle "Nacionalnog stroja" – "Obraz" i "1389"". politika.co.rs (in Serbian). Politika. 2 June 2011.
  369. ^ Byford, Jovan (2008). Denial and Repression of Antisemitism. Budapest: Central European University Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-9639776159.
  370. ^ Buchenau, Klaus (2005). "From Hot War to Cold Integration? Serbian Orthodox Voices on Globalization and the European Union". Eastern Orthodoxy in a Global Age. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press. p. 64. ISBN 978-0-7591-0536-2.
  371. ^ "Serbian Ultranationalists Making Mark Despite Failure At The Ballot Box". RFE/RL. 12 March 2018.
  372. ^ "Ljubitelji životinja koji vređaju žrtve fašista – šta je, zapravo, Levijatan?". N1. 20 May 2020. Archived from the original on 21 July 2020. Retrieved 18 July 2021.
  373. ^ "Pavle Bihali je spojio nemoguće, jevrejsko poreklo i nacističke simbole". NOVA portal. 15 February 2020. Retrieved 9 June 2020.
  374. ^ a b Cite error: The named reference Kosak Jul 12 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  375. ^ a b "Koalicija sovraštva". Mladina.si. Retrieved 9 September 2018.
  376. ^ a b c Cite error: The named reference borut jul 09 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  377. ^ "Neonacisti v Lendavi". Mladina.si. Retrieved 10 September 2018.
  378. ^ Cite error: The named reference delo sep 14 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  379. ^ Cite error: The named reference not enough was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  380. ^ González Cuevas, 2008, pp. 26-27
  381. ^ Powell, David (2004). British Politics, 1910–35 The Crisis of the Party System. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-35106-5.
  382. ^ Walker, Martin (1977). The National Front. Glasgow: Fontana. pp. 28–29. ISBN 0-00-634824-6.
  383. ^ Barberis, Peter; McHugh, John; Tyldesley, Mike (2000). Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organizations: Parties, Groups and Movements of the 20th Century. New York: Continuum International Publishing Group. p. 177. ISBN 0-8264-5814-9. Retrieved 10 November 2023 – via Internet Archive.
  384. ^ Severs, George J. (2017). "The 'obnoxious mobilised minority': homophobia and homohysteria in the British national party, 1982–1999" (PDF). Gender and Education. 29 (2): 165–181. doi:10.1080/09540253.2016.1274384. S2CID 216643653.
  385. ^ Myers, Frank (2000). "Harold Macmillan's "Winds of Change" Speech: A Case Study in the Rhetoric of Policy Change". Rhetoric & Public Affairs. 3 (4): 555–575. doi:10.1353/rap.2000.0012. JSTOR 41939631. S2CID 143681245.
  386. ^ Goodrick-Clarke 2003, p. 45.
  387. ^ McDonald, Henry (2 July 2000). "English fascists to join loyalists at Drumcree". The Observer. Retrieved 30 December 2010.
  388. ^ Goodrick-Clarke 2003, pp. 40–41.
  389. ^ Wood, Ian S.Crimes of Loyalty: A History of the UDA. Edinburgh University Press, 2006. pp. 339–340.
  390. ^ "Racist war of the loyalist street gangs". The Guardian, 10 January 2004. Retrieved 21 October 2012.
  391. ^ Graham, Georgia (31 March 2014). "Nigel Farage: I am proud to have taken a third of the BNP's support". The Telegraph. Retrieved 9 January 2016.
    - Molloy, Antonia (1 April 2014). "Nigel Farage says he is 'proud' to have secured former BNP supporters". The Independent. Retrieved 9 January 2016.
  392. ^ "New Guard Movement, 1931–35". National Archives of Australia. Federal Australian Government. Archived from the original on 5 March 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2019.
  393. ^ "Australia First Movement – Fact sheet 28". Archived from the original on 30 March 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2020.
  394. ^ "Australia First Movement". Trove. 20 June 1944. Retrieved 9 February 2015.
  395. ^ Henderson, Peter (November 2005). "Frank Browne and the Neo-Nazis". Labour History (89): 73–86. doi:10.2307/27516076. JSTOR 27516076.
  396. ^ West, Andrew (29 February 2004). "No Apology For White Australia Policy". The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 4 February 2013.
  397. ^ Greason, David (1994), I was a teenage fascist, pp. 283, 284, 289, McPhee Gribble
  398. ^ Smee, Ben (4 May 2019). "'Quite frightening': the far-right fringe of the election campaign is mobilising". The Guardian. Retrieved 4 May 2019.
  399. ^ Neems, Jeff (6 May 2009). "Former leader's move may irk National Front". Waikato Times. Archived from the original on 10 September 2012. Retrieved 30 October 2011.
  400. ^ "Two groups poles apart to rally at Parliament". The New Zealand Herald. NZPA. 23 October 2004. Retrieved 30 October 2011.
  401. ^ Nightingale, Melissa (28 October 2017). "Clashes outside parliament as protesters face National Front". The New Zealand Herald. Retrieved 28 October 2017.
  402. ^ Daalder, Mike (10 August 2019). "White supremacists still active in New Zealand". Newsroom. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 30 April 2020.
  403. ^ Brettkelly, Sharon (29 April 2019). "Alt-right: underground – for now". Newsroom. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 30 April 2020.
  404. ^ "Another poll, another possible coup". Sydney Morning Herald. Fairfax. 6 May 2006. Retrieved 21 July 2020. When Viliame Savu, leader of the far-right Nationalist Tako Lavo Party, said the country would not tolerate a "foreigner", meaning Chaudhry, as prime minister, Bainimarama threatened him with arrest. Qarase said this week that if Chaudhry returned to power he believed another coup was likely. Bainimarama's response was to threaten Qarase with arrest for inciting violence, along with his party director, Jale Baba.
  405. ^ Michael Field (28 April 2009). "Fiji coup plotter in custody". Stuff. Retrieved 15 February 2013.
  406. ^ Michael Field (16 January 2013). "Fiji regime cracks down on political parties". Stuff. Retrieved 28 January 2013.
  407. ^ "Just two Fiji parties apply for election registration". Radio Australia. 15 February 2013. Retrieved 15 February 2013.
  408. ^ Hafez, Farid (20 October 2014). "Shifting borders: Islamophobia as common ground for building pan-European right-wing unity". Patterns of Prejudice. 48 (5): 479–499. doi:10.1080/0031322X.2014.965877. ISSN 0031-322X.
  409. ^ Cook, David (2015). Understanding Jihad. University of California Press. p. 103. ISBN 9780520287327.
  410. ^ Juan Eduardo Campo, ed. (210). "dhimmi". Encyclopedia of Islam. Infobase Publishing. pp. 194–195. ISBN 978-1-4381-2696-8. Dhimmis are non-Muslims who live within Islamdom and have a regulated and protected status. ... In the modern period, this term has generally has occasionally been resuscitated, but it is generally obsolete.
  411. ^ a b Beran, Dale (30 July 2019). It Came from Something Awful: How a Toxic Troll Army Accidentally Memed Donald Trump into Office (1st ed.). New York: All Points Books. p. 18. ISBN 978-1-250-21947-3.
  412. ^ Sources which consider Stormfront a Neo-Nazi website include:
    • (Kim 2005)
    • (Kaplan & Lööw 2002, p. 224). "Also, Web Pages such as ...'Stormfront'... in addition to racist, anti-Semitic, and neo-Nazi messages and illustrations, provide links..."
    • (Gorenfeld 2008, p. 68). "She has even written in to neo-Nazi Web site Stormfront, geeking out together on Peter Jackson's film adaptation;..."
    • (Friedman 2002, p. 163). "Stormfront provides its viewers with... a general store stocked with Ku Klux Klan (KKK) and neo-Nazi literature and music..."
    • (Katel 2010, p. 79). "...a March 13 Web post by Poplawski to the neo-Nazi Web site Stormfront."
    • (Moulitsas 2010, p. 56). "Poplawski was active on white supremacist and neo-Nazi Stormfront internet forums."
    • (Martin & Petro 2006, p. 174). "...9/11 Internet chat-room discussions, including radical hate-group sites like the neo-Nazi Stormfront.org."
  413. ^ Hern, Alex (29 August 2017). "Stormfront: 'murder capital of internet' pulled offline after civil rights action". The Guardian. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
  414. ^ Stormfront taken down:
  415. ^ a b Wilson, Jason (7 November 2019). "Leak from neo-Nazi site could identify hundreds of extremists worldwide". The Guardian.
  416. ^ "ICE Detention Center Captain Was on a Neo-Nazi Website and Wanted to Start a White Nationalist Group". Vice News. 15 June 2020.
  417. ^ Poulter, James (12 March 2018). "The Obscure Neo-Nazi Forum Linked to a Wave of Terror". Vice.
  418. ^ Ross, Alexander Reid; Bevensee, Emmi (19 December 2019). "Transnational White Terror: Exposing Atomwaffen And The Iron March Networks". Bellingcat.
  419. ^ "Analysing Terrorgram Publications: A New Digital Zine". Global Network on Extremism and Technology. 23 November 2022.
  420. ^ "TERRORGRAM: from Buffalo to Bratislava". Italian Team for Security, Terroristic Issues & Managing Emergencies. 23 November 2022.
  421. ^ "Telegram Is Leaving a Terrorist Bomb-Making Channel Online". Vice News. 23 November 2022.
  422. ^ "Telegram blocks 'dozens' of hardcore hate channels". TechCrunch. 23 November 2022.
  423. ^ a b Aubrey, Stefan M. (2004). The New Dimension of International Terrorism. Zurich: vdf Hochschulverlag AG. p. 45. ISBN 3-7281-2949-6.
  424. ^ a b c Moghadam, Assaf. The Roots of Terrorism. pp. 57–58. New York: Infobase Publishing, 2006. ISBN 0791083071.

Bibliography

Notes

  1. ^ Mudde 2002, p. 12: "Simply stated, the difference between radicalism and extremism is that the former is verfassungswidrig (opposed to the constitution), whereas the latter is verfassungsfeindlich (hostile towards the constitution). This difference is of the utmost practical importance for the political parties involved, as extremist parties are extensively watched by the (federal and state) Verfassungsschutz and can even be banned, whereas radical parties are free from this control."
  2. ^ Mudde 2002, p. 13: "All in all, most definitions of (whatever) populism do not differ that much in content from the definitions of right-wing extremism. [...] When the whole range of different terms and definitions used in the field is surveyed, there are striking similarities, with the various terms often being used synonymously and without any clear intention. Only a few authors, most notably those working within the extremist-theoretical tradition, clearly distinguish between the various terms."

Further reading